^^^^.IF  E_  C  HTH  0  N 


.^m^ 


PILGER  PUBLISHING  HOUSE, 


READING,  PA. 


NEW  YORK. 


..w^^:^^; 


•AN^^^i 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


*S, 


BR  335  ,S8  1897  ^ 

Stump,  Joseph,  1866-1935. 
Life  of  Philip  Melanchthon 


'  Shelf 


^:-^'., 


^^:^ 


Philip  Melanchthon. 


LIFE 


OF 


PHILIP  MELANCHTHON. 


BY 

Rev.  JOSEPH  STUMP,  A.M., 

Pastor  of  Grace  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church,  Phillipsburg,  N,  J. 


WITH    AN   INTRODUCTION    BY 

Rev.  G.  F.  SPIEKER,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Church  History  in  the  Lutheran  Theological  Seminary  in 
Philadelphia. 


ILLUSTRATED. 


pilger  publishing  house 

READING,  PA.  NEW  YORK. 

1897. 


Copyright,  1897,  by  A.  BENDEL. 


PREFACE. 


The  life  of  so  distinguished  a  servant  of  God  as  Me- 
lanehthon  deserves  to  be  better  known  to  the  general 
reader  than  it  actually  is.  In  the  great  Reformation 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  his  work  stands  second  to 
that  of  Luther  alone.  Yet  his  life  is  comparatively 
unknown  to  many  intelligent  Christians. 

In  vicAV  of  the  approaching  four  hundredth  anni- 
versary of  Melanchthon's  birth,  this  humble  tribute  to 
his  memory  is  respectfully  offered  to  the  public.  It  is 
the  design  of  these  pages,  by  the  presentation  of  the 
known  facts  in  Melanchthon's  career  and  of  suitable 
extracts  from  his  writings,  to  give  a  truthful  picture 
of  his  life,  character  and  work.  In  the  preparation  of 
this  book,  the  author  has  made  uso  of  a  nmiiluT  of 
biographies  of  Melanchthon  by  German  authors,  and 
of  such  other  sources  of  information  as  were  accessi- 
ble to  him.  His  aim  has  been  to  prepare  a  brief  but 
sufficiently  comprehensive  life  of  Melanebtbon,  in 
such  a  form  as  would  interest  the  peo}»le.  T<>  wliat 
extent  be  has  succeeded  in  liis  undertaking,  others 
must  judge. 

(V) 


VI  PREFACE. 

That  these  pages  may,  in  some  measure  at  least,  ac- 
complish their  purpose,  and  make  the  Christian  reader 
more  familiar  with  the  work  and  merit  of  the  man  of 
God  whom  they  endeavor  to  portray,  is  the   sincere 

"■"'^^  °f  The  Author. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Introduction ^^ 

CHAPTER  I. 
Ills  Birth  and  Parentage H 

CHAPTER  n. 

His  Childhood ^^ 

CHAPTER  HI. 

1 7 

At  the  University ^' 

CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Call  and  Removal  to  Wittenberg 21 

CHAPTER  V. 

25 
At  Wittenberg 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Early  Conflicts 

CHAPTER  VII. 

His    MARRIA(iE   AND   DOMESTIC    LiFE ^1 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
Melanchthon  during  Luther's  Absence  from  Wittenberg.     50 

CHAPTER  IX. 
New    Labors— a    Visit    to    Bretten— Melanchthon     and 

Erasmus '^ 

CHAPTER  X. 

The    Peasants'    War— Luther's     Marriage— The     Saxon 

,.  .    .    .    .      7G 

\  ISITATION 

CHAPTER  XL 

The  Second  Diet  of  Speyer— The  Marburg  Colloquy  .    .      .^7 

CHAPTER  Xn. 

94 
The  Diet  of  Augsburg 

CHAPTER  XHI. 
The  Schmalcald   League— The   Religious   Peace  of    Nr- 

remberg— Invited  to  Erance  and  E.vgland 1-- 

(vii  ) 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

PAGE 

The  Wittenberg  Form  of  Coxcord — Journey  to  Tuebin- 
GEN — Accused  of  Heresy 132 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Convention  at  Schmalcald — Attacks  upon  Melanch- 

THON 140 

CHAPTER  XVI. ' 

The  Frankfort  Suspension — Labors  in  Ducal  Saxony  and 
Brandenburg — Second  Convention  at  Schmalcald — 
The  Landgrave's  Bigajniy— Melanchthon  at  Death's 
Door 150 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
The  Religious  Colloquy  at  Worms — The  Diet  at  Ratisbon.  161 

CHAPTER  XVIIL 

The  Bishopric  of  Naumberg— The  Reformation  at  Co- 
logne—A Year  of  Suffering  for  Melanchthon  .    .    .    172 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  Diet  at  Worms,  ]545~The  Diet  at  Ratisbon,  1546— 
Luther's  Death 180 

CHAPTER  XX. 

The  Schmalcald  War— The  Dissolution  and  Restoration 
OF  THE  University 190 

CHAPTER  XXL 

The  Augsburg  Interim — The  Leipzig  Interim — Controver- 
sies  198 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
The  Osiandrian  and   Majoristic  Controversies— The  Re- 
ligious Peace  of  Augsburc; 219 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Tin:  Crypto-Calvinistic  Controversy — Negotiations  with 

,   Flacius 234 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 
The  Religious  Conference  at  Worms 245 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
Last  Years  and  Death 250 

CIL\PTER  XXVI. 
His  Character  and  Services 263 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  approaching  quarto-centennial  of  the  birth  of 
Philip  Melanchthon  will  not  fail  to  attract  attention  to 
the  career  of  this  remarkable   man.      Owing  to   the 
dearth  of  popular  biographies  of  Melanchthon  in  the 
En2:hsh  language,  Dr.  Krotel's  translation  of  Leclder- 
hose  being  out  of  print,  the  author  of  the  following 
sketch  herewith  presents  to  those  who  may  take  an 
interest  in  the  subject  a  clear,  succinct  account  of  the 
principal  events  in  Melanchthon's  checkered  course. 
He  tells  the  story  in  a  straightforward  way,  without 
circumlocution  or  attempt  at  rhetorical  flourish.     Full 
justice  is  done  to  the  eminent  services  of  the  gifted 
Reformer,  with  an  evident  desire  to  present  his  con- 
duct in  the  best  possible  light.     AVhik'  tlic  tone  of  the 
presentation  is  of  an  apologetic  nature  in  ri'gard  to  in- 
cidents along  the  line   which  invite   criticism  o\'  Me- 
lanchthon's conduct,  discussion  of  those  points  is   not 
evaded,  and  there  is  no  attempt  to  cover  up  the  weak- 
ness of  the  great  scholar.     Of  course,  it  was  out  of  the 
question  in  a  book  of  limited  compass  to  enter  into  a 
very  detailed  account   of  every  individual   transaction 
in  which    Melanchthon   shared.       At  tlie  sanir   time, 

i  ix  ) 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

we  feel  certiiin  that  no  important  element  has  been  en- 
tirely overlooked. 

Aside  from  Melanchthon's  part  in  the  history  of 
the  Reformation  period,  the  most  important  epoch 
of  Christianity  since  the  time  of  the  Apostles,  he 
claims  consideration  on  the  side  of  classical  edu- 
cation. His  influence  as  an  educator,  which  won 
for  him  the  well-known  title  of  "  Preceptor  Ger- 
manise," was  not  confined  to  his  native  land,  as  may  be 
judged  from  the  remark  of  Hallam,  in  his  ''  History 
of  Literature,"  that  he  became  ''  far  above  all  others, 
the  founder  of  general  learning  throughout  Europe." 
^o  one  appreciated  the  services  of  Melanchthon  in 
the  cause  of  the  Reformation  more  than  Dr.  Martin 
Luther,  and  it  is  to  Luther's  credit,  that  he  treated 
Melanchthon  with  uniform  consideration.  One  would 
fain  say  the  same  of  Melanchthon's  attitude  toward 
Luther. 

Melanchthon's  weakness  was  overruled  for  good. 
His  shoulders  were  not  equal  to  some  of  the  burdens 
imposed  upon  them.  His  good,  sound  work  has  sur- 
vived. It  is  to  be  hoped  that  these  pages  will  aid  in 
promoting  the  study  not  only  of  the  Life  of  Melanch- 
thon, but  of  the  whole  period  in  which  the  Gospel  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  restored  to  its  normal  and 

proper  position  in  the  Church. 

G.  F.  Spieker. 


LIFE 


OF 


PHILIP  MELANCHTHON 


CHAPTER   I. 

HIS    BIRTH    AND    PARENTAGE. 


AST  from  the  city  of  Carlsruhe,  in  the  Grand- 

V,.       duchy  of  Baden,  Germany,  lies  the  town  of 

^     Bretten.     In  the  times  of  the  Reformation  it 


k 


belonged  to  the  Palatinate  of  the  Rhine,  and  boasted 
a  population  of  three  hundred  families.  At  the  present 
day  its  inhabitants  hardly  number  more  than  four 
thousand  souls.  But  it  enjoys  the  enviable  distinction 
of  being  the  birth-place  of  Philip  Melanchthon. 

!N^ear  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  there  dwelt  in 
this  humble  town  a  young  married  couple  by  the 
name  of  George  and  Barbara  Schwarzerd.  They  were 
in  comfortable  circumstances  and  stood  high  in  tin- 
regard  of  the  community.  Of  these  parents,  Pliilip 
Melanchthon  was  born  on  February  1<),  1407.  His 
family  name  therefore  was  Schwarzerd,  which  means 
"Black  Earth."  It  was  afterwards  changed,  in  con- 
formity with  the  custom  which  prevailed  among  the 

(11) 


12 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


learned  men   of  the   day,  into  its   Greek  equivalent, 
Melanchthon. 

Philip's  father  was  armorer  to  the  Elector  Philip  of 


IIoMK  OF  Melanchthon  at  Buetten. 

the  Palatinate,  and  named  his  first-horn  son  in  honor 
of  that  ruler.  He  enjoyed  a  wide  reputation  for  skill 
in  his  profession.  He  was  entrusted  with  the  manu- 
facture of  armor  for  many  princes  and  even  for  the 
Emperor  Maximilian.     His  Imperial  Majesty  was  so 


HIS    BIRTH    AND    PARENTAGE.  13 

well  pleased  with  the  perfect  liiiish  of  one  suit  of  this 
armor,  that  he  bestowed  upon  its  maker  a  coat  of  arms 
which  was  emblematic  of  his  profession,  and  consisted 
of  a  lion  sitting  upon  a  shield  and  helmet,  and  hold- 
ing a  pair  of  tongs  and  a  hammer  in  his  paws. 

George  Schwarzerd  was  known  as  a  just  and  pious 
man.  ]N"o  priest  observed  his  hours  of  devotion  more 
scrupulously.  He  arose  every  midnight  and  repeated 
his  prayers.  He  was  free  from  gross  sins  and  vices, 
and  possessed  the  same  gentle,  amiable  and  peace- 
loving  disposition  which  so  largely  characterized  his 
illustrious  son.  He  was  not  "  greedy  of  filthy  lucre." 
It  is  recorded  of  him,  that  he  frequently  charged  less 
for  his  work  than  his  customers  would  willingly  have 
paid.  He  shared,  however,  the  superstitions  of  his 
age ;  and  when  his  son  Philip  was  born,  he  consulted 
an  astrologer  to  learn  his  child's  destiny.  He  was  told 
that  Philip  would  at  some  time  in  his  life  be  shi[)- 
wrecked  on  the  Baltic  Sea. 

Philip's  mother  was  the  daughter  of  Jolm  Renter, 
the  Mayor  of  Bretten.  She  was  pious,  industrious, 
frugal,  domestic  in  her  habits,  and  an  excellent  house- 
wife. One  of  the  proverbs  which  slie  was  fond  of 
quoting  and  which  indicates  her  ideas  of  housekeei> 
ing  ran  thus : 

"Whoever  spends  more 
Tlum  liis  plow  can  restore, 
Will  come  to  grief  ; 
Perhaps,  hang  as  a  thief."* 


*   ' '  Wer  raeh r  will  vc r/A-l i ren , 

Denn  sein  Pflug  kann  ernaehren, 
Der  win!  zuletzt  verderben, 
L'nd  vielleicht  am  Cialgen  sterben." 


14  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

But  while  she  was  a  careful  housewife  and  would  by 
no  means  tolerate  extravagance,  she  was  kind  to  the 
sick  and  the  poor,  and  never  turned  any  one  away 
hungry  from  her  door.  Her  favorite  reply  to  those 
who  found  fault  with  her  extreme  liberality  was, 
*'  Almsgiving  does  not  impoverish." 

Besides  Philip,  this  excellent  couple  was  blessed 
with  four  other  children ;  namely,  Anna,  born  in  1499  ; 
George,  in  1501;  Margaret,  in  1506;  and  Barbara,  in 
1508. 


li 


CHAPTER   II. 

HIS    CHILDHOOD.       1504-1509. 

ITTLE  PHILIP  received  his  first  instruction  in 
the  town  school  of  Bretten.  When  he  was  only 
seven  years  of  age,  a  contagious  disease  broke  '' 
out  in  the  community,  and  he  was  taken  out  of  the 
school.  His  education,  together  with  that  of  his  brother 
George  and  his  mother'-s  youngest  brother,  was  there- 
upon entrusted  to  a  private  tutor,  John  linger,  whom 
Renter  engaged  by  the  advice  of  the  learned  John 
Reuchlin,  Philip's  great  uncle.  linger  was  thorough 
in  his  instructions,  and  understood  how  to  win  the  affec- 
tions and  respect  of  his  pupils.  Melanchthon  afterward 
spoke  very  highly  of  him,  and  declared :  "  He  made 
me  a  grammarian.  He  was  an  excellent  man;  he 
loved  me  as  a  son  and  I  loved  him  as  a  father ;  and  we  ^ 
shall  soon,  I  hope,  meet  in  heaven." 


HIS  CHILDHOOD.  15 

Philip  possessed  a  remarkable  memory.  IK'  not 
only  learned  easily,  but  possessed  the  far  rarer  j)Ower 
of  retaining  all  that  he  had  learned.  He  was  gentle 
and  amiable  in  his  intercourse  with  his  companions,  so 
that  his  exceptional  gifts  excited  not  so  much  their 
envy,  as  their  admiration.  The  other  powers  of  his 
mind  were  as  extraordinary  as  his  memory.  When 
educated  foreigners  came  to  town,  as  they  frequently 
did,  his  grandfather  took  great  delight  in  engaging 
him  in  disputes  with  them.  Philip  was  nearly  always 
the  \dctor  in  these  contests.  He  had  inherited  from 
his  mother  a  lively  temperament,  and  was  at  times 
easily  irritated,  but  he  was  also  quickly  appeased. 
He  early  learned  to  control  his  temper,  and  sometimes 
applied  to  himself  the  adage  : 

"  He  strikes  and  thrusts  ;  but  when  he's  done, 
He  has  not  injured  any  one."* 

He  was  afflicted  ^vith  the  habit  of  stammering,  but 
took  pains  to  overcome  it,  and  in  a  great  measure  suc- 
ceeded. 

A  double  bereavement  came  to  him  early  in  life. 
His  grandfather.  Renter,  died  October  16,  1507 ;  and 
eleven  days  later  his  father  also  died.  In  a  campaign 
against  the  Bavarians,  in  which  he  had  taken  part  with 
the  Elector  in  1504,  George  Schwarzerd  had  (h-unk 
water  from  a  poisoned  well.  From  tliat  time  on,  liis 
health  had  steadily  declined.  When  his  end  nji- 
proached,  he  called  his  children  to  his  bedside  and  ad- 
monished them  in  these  words:   '^  T  am  dvini::;   JID(1    I 


*  "  Er  haut  und  sticht 

Und  that  doch  nicmand  nichts. " 


16 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


desire  that  jou  remain  one  with  the  Christian  Church, 
that  Tou  retain  the  knowledsre  of  God  and  lose  not 
jour  eternal  salvation.  I  have  seen  great  changes  in 
the  world,  but  there  are  greater  ones  in  store.  I  pray 
God  to  protect  and  guide  you,  and  I  admonish  you  to 


John  Reuchlin. 


fear  God  and  lead  a  Christian  life.     Obey  Him  and 
hold  fast  to  that  which  is  good." 

Pliilip's  grandmother  Renter,  a  sister  of  the  famous 
Reuclilin,  now  removed  to  the  neighboring  city  of 
Pforzheim,  her  native  place ^  and  took  him  as  well  as 


AT    THE    UNIVERSITY.  17 

his  brother  George  with  her,  in  order  to  enter  them 
in  the  Latin  school  of  that  city.  George  Simler,  the 
principal  of  this  school,  was  the  object  of  considerable 
curiosity  and  admiration  because  he  was  versed  in 
Greek  and  Hebrew  as  well  as  in  Latin.  These  were 
still  rare  accpiirements,  because  the  revival  of  learn- 
ing had  just  begun.  He  taught  Greek  privately  to  his 
ablest  pupils  only.  Of  these  ]*hilip  was  one;  and 
here  was  laid  the  foundation  of  his  subsequent  ripe 
Greek  scholarship.  John  Reuchlin  took  a  great  in- 
terest in  his  youthful  relative,  aild  presented  him  with 
a  Greek  Grammar  and  a  Greek-Latin  lexicon  of  his 
own  authorship.  In  order  to  show  his  appreciation  of 
Reuchlin's  kindness,  Philip  wrote  a  Latin  comedy,  and 
Avith  the  aid  of  some  of  his  schoolmates,  performed  it 
in  Reuchlin's  presence.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  that 
his  learned  relative  changed  Philip's  surname  into  its 
Greek  equivalent,  Melanchthon.  By  Reuchlin's  ad- 
vice, Philip  devoted  himself  assiduously  to  the  study 
of  the  classics,  and  thus  fitted  himself  for  the  career 
in  which  he  subsequently  earned  the  title,  Prseceptor 
Germanise  (Teacher  of  Germany). 


CHAPTER    IIL 

AT    THE    UNIVERSITY.       1509-1516. 

MELAN'CHTHOX  spent  about  two  years  in  the 
school  at  Pforzheim.  He  was  then,  although 
(^  only  thirteen  years  of  age,  far  enough  ad- 

vanced to  enter  the  University  of  Heidelberg.     He 
removed  to  that  city  and  took  up  his  residence  in  the 

2 


18  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

house  of  Professor  Pallas  Spangel.  Among  his  fellow- 
students  were  Bucer  and  Brenz,  both  of  whom  after- 
wards distinguished  themselves  in  the  work  of  the 
Reformation. 

AVliile  attending  this  university,  Melanchthon  con- 
tinued to  devote  himself  to  the  study  of  the  classics. 
But  he  had  to  do  so  privately,  because  the  public  in- 
structions dealt  chiefly  with  the  foolish  speculations 
and  useless  subtleties  of  the  scholastics.  He  himself, 
in  later  years,  wrote  concerning  these  student-days : 
"  The  youth  were  taught  scarcely  anything  but  the 
empty  twaddle  of  the  schoolmen  and  some  elements 
of  natural  philosophy.  As  I  already  understood  how 
to  make  verses,  I  began,  with  a  child's  craving  for 
knowledge,  to  read  the  (newer)  poets  and  to  study,  in 
connection  Avith  them,  the  histories  and  fables  of  which 
they  treated.  This  practice  gradually  led  me  to  the 
study  of  the  ancient  classics."  His  attainments  in  the 
Greek  language  soon  procured  for  him  great  respect 
both  from  students  and  professors.  One  of  the  latter, 
who  himself  was  ignorant  of  Greek,  one  day  came 
across  a  knotty  question  whose  solution  required  a 
knowledge  of  that  language.  In  his  dilemma,  he 
asked,  "  Where  will  I  find  a  Grecian  ?"  In  reply  the 
whole  class  cried  out,  ''  Melanchthon  !  Melanchthon  !" 
In  spite  of  his  extreme  youthfulness,  he  was  entrusted 
with  the  instruction  of  the  two  young  sons  of  the 
Count  of  Loewenstein.  The  preparations  which  he 
made  for  their  lessons,  he  carefully  noted  down,  and 
these  notes  formed  the  basis  of  the  Greek  grammar 
which  he  subsequently  published. 

On   the    tenth   day  of  June,  1511,  he  received  the 


AT    THE    UNIVERSITY.  19 

degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts.  Soon  afterwards  lie  ap- 
plied for  the  Master's  degree,  hut  was  refused,  be- 
cause, although  he  possessed  the  required  qualifica- 
tions, "  he  was  still  too  young  and  of  too  childish  an 
appearance."  He  was  greatly  pained  by  this  refusal. 
For  this  reason,  together  with  the  additional  consid- 
eration, that  the  climate  of  the  neighborhood  did  not 
agree  with  him,  he  wended  his  way,  in  the  fall  of 
1512,  to  the  University  of  Tuehingen.  A  somewhat 
freer  and  more  scientific  spirit  prevailed  here,  and  gave 
a  wider  scope  to  his  talents. 

Melanchthon  continued  here  the  dilio^ent  studv  of 
the  classics.  He  also  applied  himself  to  Hebrew. 
Indeed,  his  cravins:  for  knowledo:e  was  so  intense  and 
his  facility  in  learning  so  great,  that  he  took  up  many 
other  branches  of  study.  He  applied  himself  to 
philosophy  and  jurisprudence  under  his  former  teacher, 
Simler,  Avho  was  now  professor  at  this  university.  He 
paid  attention  also  to  astronomy  and  mathematics,  and 
even  to  medicine.  In  1514  he  finished  his  philosophi- 
cal course  and  obtained  the  Master's  degree.  He  was 
then  employed  as  private  tutor  at  the  university. 

About  this  time,  he  began  to  turn  his  attention  to 
theology.  But  in  this,  as  in  most  of  his  other  studies, 
he  was  largely  dependent  on  his  own  private  efibrts. 
The  public  lectures  on  theology  were  occui)ied  almost 
solely  with  the  traditions  of  tlie  church  and  the  empty 
subtleties  of  the  schoolmen.  The  Bible  was  not  taught 
at  all.  Melanchthon,  however, privately  api)lied  himself 
to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  ancient  Church 
Fathers.  He  carried  a  copy  of  the  Bible  with  him  con- 
stantly.    The  studies  which    he   thus  pursued  were  of 


20  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

great  advantage  to  himself  and  Luther  in  after  years, 
when  they  engaged  in  conflict  with  the  enemies  of  the 
Reformation.  He  carried  his  Bible  with  him  to  church, 
and  ran  some  risk  of  being  regarded  as  a  heretic  be- 
cause he  spent  his  time  in  reading  the  Scriptures,  in- 
stead of  paying  attention  to  the  vain  ceremonies  and 
empty  babblings  which  occupied  the  minds  of  the 
others. 

During  his  residence  at  Tuebingen,  he  was  engaged 
also  in  literary  labors.  He  corrected  proof  sheets  for 
the  publisher,  Thomas  Anshelm,  published  an  edition 
of  Terence  and  a  Greek  grammar,  and  so  remodeled 
and  improved  the  Chronicon,  or  Universal  Histor)/,  by 
John  Xauclerus,  who  had  formerly  been  rector  of  the 
university,  that  it  soon  became  one  of  the  most  useful 
and  widely-read  historical  works  of  the  age.  He  took 
an  active  part,  also,  with  Reuchlin,  in  contending 
against  the  Dominican  monks  of  Cologne,  who,  in  their 
blind  fanaticism,  insisted  on  the  burning  of  all  Jewish 
books  and  documents. 

Melanchthon  remained  at  Tuebingen  live  years. 
By  this  time,  although  he  was  scarcely  twenty-one 
years  of  age  and  appeared  to  be  still  younger  than  he 
really  was,  he  had  acquired  a  wide  reputation  by  his 
scholarly  attainments.  In  the  year  1516  the  learned 
Erasmus  of  Rotterdam  publicly  said  of  him  :  '-What 
promise  does  not  this  Philip  Melanchthon,  a  youth,  as 
yet,  and  almost  a  boy,  give  of  himself!  He  is  equally 
at  home  in  both  languages  [Greek  and  Latin] .  What 
acuteness  of  invention,  what  purity  of  diction,  what  a 
memory  for  recondite  matters,  what  extensive  reading, 
what  delicate  grace  and  noble  talents  he  displays !" 


THE    CALL    AND    REMOVAL    TO    WITTENBERG.  21 

And  in  a  letter  to  Oeeolanipadius  he  wrote:  "Of 
Melanclithon  I  entertain  the  most  distingnished  and 
splendid  expeetations.  God  grant  that  this  yonng 
man  may  long  survive  us.  He  will  entirely  eclipse 
Erasmus." 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE    CALL    AND    REMOVAL    TO    WITTENBERG.       1518. 

WIDER  field  of  usefulness,  more  suited  to  a 
mind  of  such  extensive  learning  and  compre- 
hensive grasp,  was  now  opened  to  Melanch- 
thoii.  He  had  already  been  invited  to  the  University 
of  Ingolstadt.  But  by  Reuchlin's  advice  he  had  de- 
clined to  go.  The  bigoted  spirit  wliieh  prevailed  there 
would  have  imposed  an  intolerable  restraint  upon 
the  progressive  spirit  of  Melanclithon.  A  call  now 
came  to  him,  however,  from  a  field  where  he  would  l)e 
untrammeled  by  the  scholasticism  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
It  was  a  call  to  a  professorship  in  the  new  University 
of  Wittenberg. 

This  institution  was  one  of  the  youngest  universities 
in  Germany.  It  had  been  founded  as  recently  as 
1502,  l)y  Frederick  the  Wise,  Elector  of  Saxony;  but 
its  faculty  consisted  of  some  of  the  most  learned  and 
enlightened  men  of  the  day.  At  this  time  its  reputa- 
tion^extended  all  over  Europe  ;  for  it  numbered  among 
its  professors.  Dr.  Martin  Luther.  Only  a  sliort  time 
before  this,  that  man  of  God  had  nailed  to  the  church 


22 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


Elector  Frederick  III.  of  Saxony. 


THE    CALL    AND    REMOVAL    TO    WITTENBERG.  23 

door  at  Wittenberg  liis  t'aiuous  niuetj-tive  thoses  iiii^ainst 
the  sale  of  indulgences,  and  declared  his  readiness  to 
defend  them  against  any  and  all  comers.     The  news 
of  his  daring  act  had  spread  like  wild-fire,  and  Witten-     4 
berg  had  become  famous. 

The  call  to  this  university  gave  to  Melanchthon  an 
opportunity  to  identify  himself  with  the  movement  to 
free  mankind  from  the  corruption,  ignorance,  and 
thraldom  of  papal  misrule.  He  accepted  the  call.  It 
came  to  him  through  Reuchlin,  to  whom  the  Elector 
of  Saxony  had  applied  for  a  competent  professor  of 
Greek  and  Hebrew,  and  who,  in  recommending  Me- 
lanchthon, had  said  of  him,  "  I  know  of  no  one  among 
the  Germans  who  excels  him,  except  Erasmus  of  Rot- 
terdam, and  he  is  an  Hollander."  In  notifying  Me- 
lanchthon of  his  call  to  AVittenberg,  Reuchlin  wrote  to 
him  in  these  words  :  "  I  do  not  intend  to  address  you 
in  poetical  language,  but  in  the  words  of  that  true 
promise  of  God  which  he  gave  to  the  faithful  Al)ra- 
ham,  '  Get  thee  out  of  thy  country  and  fr<^m  thy  kin- 
dred and  from  thy  father's  house,  into  a  land  that  I 
will  show  thee;  and  I  will  make  of  thee  a  great 
nation,  and  I  will  bless  thee  and  make  thv  name  great; 
and  thou  shalt  l)e  a  blessins;.'  This  niv  spirit  tells 
me,  and  this  I  hope  of  thee,  my  rhili}),  my  handiwork 
and  my  consolation.  Go,  then,  cheerfully  and  joyfnlly. 
lie  not  dismayed;  be  no  woman,  but  a  111:111.  N** 
jtrophet  is  without  honor,  save  in  his  own  country." 

Melanchthon  immediately  set  out  for  his  new  field 
of  labor.  He  paid  a  farewell  visit  t(^  his  relatives  at 
Bretten  and  Pforzheim,  visited  Reuchlin  at  Stuttgart, 
and  proceeded  to  Augsburg,  where  the  Imperial  Diet 


24 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


Augsburg. 


AT    WITTENBERG.  25 

was  in  session.  Here  he  was  presented  to  the  Elector, 
and  made  the  acquaintance  of  George  Spalatin,  tlic 
Saxon  Court-chaplain.  From  Augsburg  he  proceeded 
to  l^uremberg,  where  he  visited  the  celebrated  states- 
man, Pirkheimer,  passed  through  Leipzig,  where  he 
was  entertained  by  the  university,  and  arriv^ed  at  Wit- 
tenberg, August  25,  1518,  having  resolutely  declined 
a  call  to  Leipzig,  as  well  as  a  second  call  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Ingolstadt.  The  University  of  Tuebingen 
scarcely  realized  the  great  loss  which  it  sustained  by 
his  removal.  Simler  alone  appreciated  it,  and  de- 
clared :  "  Although  there  are  learned  men  here,  none 
of  them  are  sufficiently  learned  to  appreciate  the  teach- 
ins:  of  this  man  who  has  been  called  awav,  and  who  is 
now  about  to  depart."  But  God  had  a  work  for  Me- 
lanchthon  to  do,  and  that  work  "was  to  be  done  at  Wit- 
tenberg. 


CHAPTER   Y. 

AT    WITTENBERG. 


I 


^  I  yHE  personal  appearance  of  Melanchthon  was 
little  calculated  to  confirm  the  expectations 
raised  by  the  reputation  which  had  preceded 
him.  He  was  only  twenty-one  years  of  age  and  looked  ^ 
very  boyish.  His  stature  was  small,  his  frame  delicate, 
his  manner  timid  and  diffident.  When  lie  walked  he 
held  one  shoulder  higher  than  the  other,  and  when  lie 
spoke  he  drew  his  eyebrows  together  in  a  curious  way, 
stammered  in  his  utterance,  and  gesticulated  nervously. 


26 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


Was  this  the  famous  scholar  whose  praises  Erasmus 
and  Reuchhn  had  sung  so  loudly  ?  Many  of  the  Wit- 
tenbergers  did  nothesitate  to  give  expression  to  their 
contempt  of  his  insTgT^ificant  appearance  and  timid 
air,  and  to  question  whether  the  university  had  made 
so  great  an  acquisition  after  all  in  securing  the  ser- 
vices of  this  callow-looking  youth.  But  a  careful  and 
unprejudiced  observer  might  have  augured  better 
things  from  his  lofty  brow,  his  clear  blue  eyes,  and  the 


Market  Place  at  Wittenberg. 


intellis^ence  written  on  everv  feature  of  his  face. 
Within  this  frail  tenement  of  clay,  there  lodged  a  gi- 
gantic intellect  and  a  noble  soul,  whose  might  and 
worth  would  soon  become  apparent  even  to  these 
scoffers. 

Four  days  after  his  arrival  the  new  professor  deliv- 
ered his  introductory  lecture.  His  subject  was,  "  The 
Improvement  of  Studies  for  the  Youth."  Tt  was  a 
masterly  effort,  and  he  astonished  his  auditors  ])y  his 
able  treatment  of  the  subject.     He  dwelt  on  the  neces- 


AT    WITTENBERG.  27 

isity  of  goiiiu:;  back  to  the'  original  sources  of  knowl- 
edge, in  order  to  se[)arate  the  truth  from  the  errors 
with  which,  iu  the  process  of  time,  it  had  become 
encrusted.  To  this  end  it  was  necessary,  he  said, 
thoroughly  to  master  the  Greek  as  well  as  the  Latin 
language;  and  in  no  branch  of  study  was  this  more 
necessary  than  in  the  domain  of  theology.  Chris- 
tian doctrine  was  not  to  be  drawn  from  the  trans- 
lations and  expositions  of  later  times,  but  from  the 
unadulterated  source,  the  Holy  Scriptures  themselves 

Luther,  who  was  present  in  the  large  audience  which 
had  assembled  in  the  lecture-room,  was  higlily  de- 
lighted with  what  he  heard.  He  was  astonished  by 
the  learning,  the  comprehensive  grasp,  the  reasoning 
power,  and  the  beautiful  diction,  which  Melanchthon's 
discourse  revealed;  and  at  the  same  time,  he  was 
gratified  with  the  progressive  but  sound  position  which 
the  youthful  professor  had  advanced.  It  can  be 
readily  conceived  that  he  viewed  with  profoundest  joy 
the  prospect  of  possessing,  in  the  religious  struggle 
upon  which  he  had  entered,  the  support  of  such  a  man 
as  Melanchthon.  There  was  anionic  his  ot\wr  co- 
laborers  at  Wittenberg  no  man  from  whom  lie  might 
expect  such  powerful  succor  as  that  wliicli  the  thor- 
ough philological  training,  the  clear  thought,  and  tlic 
lucid  language  of  Philip  }>romised  to  give.  If  such  a 
man  as  Melanchthon,  ecpiipped  with  the  most  exten- 
sive classical  training,  and  the  refined  culture  of  an 
Erasmus  or  a  Reuchlin,  delivered  exegetical  lectures 
upon  the  very  text  of  Scripturi',  wliat  a  triumph  the 
Gospel  must  achieve ! 

Luther  immediatelv  wrote  to  liis  friend,  the  court- 


28 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


Martin  Luther. 


AT    WITTENBERrt.  29 

chaplain,  G-eorgc  Spalatin,  and  exprossed  the  gratifi- 
cation which  ho  felt :  "  Mclanchthon,"  he  fiays,  "  on 
the  fourth  day  after  his  arrival,  delivered  a  most 
learned  and  elegant  address,  to  tlie  great  joy  and  ad- 
miration of  all  who  heard  him.  TTenceforth  he  no 
longer  needs  any  recommendatiun  from  you.  We 
soon  learned  to  look  away  from  his  external  appear- 
ance ;  we  consider  ourselves  most  fortunate  to  possess 
him,  and  are  astonished  at  his  extraordinary  gifts. 
See  to  it  that  you  commend  him  most  earnestly  to  our 
prince.  I  have  no  desire  whatever  for  any  other 
teacher  of  Greek  as  long  as  we  can  retain  him.  There 
is  but  one  thing  which  I  fear,  and  that  is,  that  with 
his  delicate  constitution,  our  manner  of  living  may 
not  agree  with  him.  Furthermore,  I  have  learned 
that  he  has  been  called  with  too  small  a  salary,  so  that 
the  Leipzigers,  who  courted  him  before  he  came 
among  us,  already  flatter  themselves  that  they  will  be 
able  to  lure  him  away."  Two  days  later  he  wrote 
to  the  same  friend  :  ''  I  most  heartily  commend  IMiilip 
to  you.  lie  is  a  perfect  Grecian,  a  thorough  scholar, 
friendly  and  amiable.  His  lecture-room  is  crowded, 
and  he  has  caused  all  the  theologians  of  the  upper, 
middle,  and  lower  classes,  to  apply  themselves  to  the 
study  of  Greek." 

In  their  subsequent  personal  intercourse,  Luther 
and  Melanchthon  were  daily  drawn  into  a  closer 
friendship  and  fuller  nnitual  esteem.  Melanchthon 
was  filled  with  admiration  for  the  clear,  forceful  intel- 
lect, the  deep,  sincere  piety,  and  the  heroic  spirit  of 
Luther;  while  the  great  Reformer  on  the  other  hand 
was   charmed   bv  Melanchthon's  amiable    disposition, 


30 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON, 


G.  SrALATIN. 


AT    WITTENBERG.  31 

his  gentle  nature,  and  the  grace  and  eloquence  with 
which  he  employed  his  vast  learning.  Each  found 
elements  of  character  in  the  other  which  he  hiniscU' 
lacked ;  their  natures  supplemented  each  other.  Both 
were  lahoring  with  the  same  high  and  unselfish  aim, 
and  both  rejoiced  that  the  Providence  of  God  had 
brought  them  into  the  same  field,  and  permitted  them 
to  labor  side  by  side. 

With  the  coming  of  Melanchthon,  a  new  era  of 
prosperity  dawned  upon  the  University  of  Wittenberg. 
In  the  year  1517  there  had  been  no  more  than  two 
hundred  students  enrolled;  but  now  they  began  to 
pour  in  from  all  parts  of  Germany  and  other  countries 
of  Europe,  mainly  for  the  purpose  of  attending  ^le- 
lanchthon's  lectures.  The  new  manner  of  teaching 
wdiich  he  introduced,  the  charm  which  his  pleasing 
address  and  elei^cant  culture  threw  over  everv  field  of 
research,  the  attention  he  bestowed  upon  the  study  of 
the  classics,  and  the  habits  of  clear,  well-ordered 
thinking  which  he  inculcated,  filled  the  students  witli 
an  enthusiasm  and  a  zeal  for  study  which  can  be  aj)- 
preciated  only  when  we  bear  in  mind  tlie  dry,  ditl'use, 
and  barren  methods  of  the  scholastics  which  liml  pre- 
vailed so  long.  The  number  of  his  auditors  eon- 
stantly  increased  till  they  reached  a  thousand  and 
even  two  thousand  or  more.  Among  thciii  ucrc 
princes,  counts,  barons  and  other  mem])ers  oi"  tlic  no- 
bility, who  came  to  imbibe  learning  at  the  feet  of  this 
youthful  professor. 

In  his  introductory  address,  Melanchthon  liad  an- 
nounced that  he  would  deliver  lectures  upon  the 
poems  of  Homer  and  the  Epistle  of  St.  Paul  to  Titus. 


32  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

As  copies  of  Erasmus's  edition  of  the  Greek  ]N"ew  Tes- 
tament were  scarce  at  Wittenberg,  he  had  a  special 
edition  of  the  Epistle  to  Titus  printed  for  the  use  of 
his  students.  But  in  addition  to  the  lectures  which 
he  had  announced,  he  also  undertook,  for  the  pre^Gnt, 
to  give  instruction  in  Hebrew.  As  his  proficiency  in 
this  language  was  by  no  means  equal  to  that  which  he 
possessed  in  Greek,  he  labored  almost  day  and  night 
to  perfect  his  knowledge  of  it.  He  granted  himself 
no  respite.  He  generally  began  to  work  at  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  He  delivered  two  lectures  every 
forenoon  at  the  university,  and  the  rest  of  his  long 
working  day  was  given  up  wholly  to  his  studies,  his 
literary  labors,  and  his  constantly  increasing  corre- 
spondence. When  the  Elector  heard  that  his  new 
professor  was  likely  to  kill  himself  by  hard  work,  he 
sent  him  orders  to  take  better  care  of  himself.  But 
there  is  no  evidence  on  hand  to  prove  that  Melanch- 
thon  obeyed  the  orders.     He  was  simply  indefatigable. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

EARLY    CONFLICTS. 

EA^WHILE  the  Reformation  was  making- 
rapid  progress.  The  etforts  of  Rome  to 
bring  Luther  to  silence  failed.  He  was 
neither  daunted  by  her  threats  nor  beguiled  by  her 
persuasions,  but  continued  to  teach  and  preach  the 
truth  of  the  Gospel. 


EARLY    CONFLICTS. 


33 


The  vain-glorious  Dr.  Eck  now  i)roposed  the  hold- 
ing of  a  public  disputation  on  the  doctrines  which 
Luther  advanced.  The  challenge  was  addressed  to 
Carlstadt  hut  was  meant  in  reality  for  Luther.  It  was 
accepted.  The  disputation  was  opened  at  Leipzig  on 
June   27,  1519,  and  lasted  for  three  weeks.     Diiriiiii: 


;:^^^: 


L>K.    EcK. 

this  period,  Eck  disputed  first  with  Carlstadt  on  the 
doctrine  of  the  free  will,  and  then  with  Luther  on  tlie 
pope's  primacy,  repentance,  indulgences,  and  purga- 
tory. 

Melanehthon,  who  had  obtained  i)er!nissi<)ii  trmii 
the  Elector  to  accompany  Luther,  did  not  take  any 
active  part  in  the  discussion,  but  was  an  interested 
spectator.  It  is  related,  however,  that  in  the  course 
of  the  dispute  he  occasioiudly  suggested  to  the  Witten- 

3 


34  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

berg  theologians  such  replies  to  the  voluble  Eck,  as 
his  extensive  reading  and  ready  intellect  furnished. 
Eck  was  not  at  all  pleased  that  this  boj^ish-looking 
professor  should  aid  his  adversaries  in  laying  bare  his 
sophistries  and  confuting  his  arguments ;  and  he  called 
out  to  Melanchthon,  "  Be  quiet,  Philip ;  attend  to  your 
studies,  and  do  not  disturb  me." 

This  Leipzig  Disputation  exerted  a  strong  influence 
upon  Melanchthon's  future  life.  E"ot  only  did  it 
openly  array  him  upon  the  side  of  Luther,  but  it 
turned  his  studies  more  decidedly  in  the  direction  of 
theology.  Without  any  such  intention  on  his  part,  it 
also  involved  him  shortly  afterwards  in  a  conflict  with 
Eck.  Melanchthon  had  ^^Titten  to  (Ecolampadius  an 
account  of  the  disputation  and  exposed  some  of  the 
weak  points  in  Eck's  arguments.  This  letter  Me- 
lanchthon published.  Although  it  acknowledged  that 
Eck's  natural  gifts  had  excited  the  admiration  of  his 
opponents,  that  vain  man  took  such  oftense  at  some 
passages  in  it,  that  he  immediately  published  a  pam- 
phlet against  the  "  Wittenberg  grammarian,"  as  he 
termed  Melanchthon,  and  asserted  that  Melanchthon 
understood  Greek,  to  be  sure,  but  was  utterly  incom- 
petent to  judge  of  matters  of  faith,  and  was  therefore 
no  proper  person  for  a  theologian  to  argue  with.  He 
called  Melanchthon  contemptuous  names,  and  at- 
tempted to  belittle  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  public. 

In  reply  to  this  rude  attack,  Melanchthon  published 
a  pamphlet,  in  which,  with  exquisite  urbanity,  he  ex- 
plained to  Eck  that  the  Church  Fathers,  whom  the 
latter  regarded  as  infallible  authority,  were  by  no 
means  such  an  authority,  and  defined  the  principles 


EARLY    CONFLICTS.  35 

of  sound  hermeneutics*  in  so  able  ii  manner,  that  Eck 
plainly  perceived  that  he  had  made  a  mistake  in  wan- 
tonly crossing  swords  witli  so  skilful  an  antagonist. 
To  the  abuse  which  Eck  had  seen  tit  to  hea})  upon 
him,  he  replied  that,  ''  if  Eck  did  not  consider  him 
worthy  to  treat  of  important  theologieal  questions,  he 
ought  at  least  be  willing  to  permit  Christians  to  con- 
verse on  religious  topics  and  allow  Melanchthon  the 
privilege  of  feeding  his  soul  upon  them  ;  that  it  would 
have  been  far  wiser  in  Eck  to  encourage  the  '  little ' 
people  to  read  the  Scriptures  and  kindly  instruct  them 
if  they  erred,  than  to  seek  to  frighten  them  l)y  such 
utterances."  Luther  could  bv  no  means  brini>:  liini- 
selt  to  regard  the  matter  as  lightly  as  Melanchthon 
did.  He  became  very  indignant  at  Eck's  conduct,  and 
gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in  a  letter  which  he  addressed 
to  Spalatin  about  this  time :  "  Philip's  opinion  and 
iudo^ment  are  Avorth  more  to  me  than  that  of  nnniv 
thouj^and  dirty  Ecks;  and  I  am  not  ashamed,  although 
I  am  a  blaster  of  Arts,  Philosophy  and  Theology,  and 
am  adorned  with  almost  all  the  titles  which  Eck  pos- 
sesses, to  abandon  my  opinion,  if  it  disagrees  with  that 
of  this  grammarian.  I  have  frequently  done  so,  and 
do  so  still,  because  of  the  noble  gifts  which  God,  in 
his  bounteous  grace,  has  poured  into  this  frail  earthen 
vessel  which  Eck  affects  to  despise.  I  do  not  praise 
Philip;  he  is  a  creature  of  God,  nothing  more:  but  T 
honor  God's  work  in  him." 

The  calm  and  forcible  defense  which  Mclanchtiion 
published  was  so  well  received  by  all  the  eidiglitened 


The  science  of  interpreting  Scrij)ture. 


36  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

scholars  of  Europe  that  Eck,  who  began  to  be  attacked 
on  other  sides  also,  thought  it  advisable  to  beat  a  re- 
treat and  retire  into  Italy.  Melanchthon,  almost 
against  his  Avill,  was  made  Bachelor  of  Theology  on 
September  19,  1519,  on  account  of  his  extraordinary 
theological  attainments,  and  was  received  into  the 
theological  faculty  of  the  university.  But  he  could 
never  be  prevailed  upon  to  accept  the  degree  of  Doc- 
tor of  Theoloo-v,  because  he  did  not  want  to  assume 
the  responsibility  which  he  believed  doing  so  would 
involve.  Those  who  knew  him,  however,  agreed  Avith 
Luther  when  he  declared :  "  What  we  know  of  the 
sciences  and  true  philosophy  we  have  to  thank  Philip 
for.  It  is  true,  he  is  only  a  Master  of  Arts,  but  he  is 
a  Doctor  above  all  Doctors." 

From  this  time  onward.  Biblical  exegesis  became 
his  favorite  study.  In  his  lectures  to  the  students,  he 
expounded  during  this  year  not  only  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  and  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  but  also  some  of 
the  books  of  the  Old  Testament.  He  was  especially 
fond,  however,  of  the  writings  of  St.  Paul.  Luther, 
himself,  sometimes  appeared  among  his  auditors,  and 
declared  that  no  one  had  ever  better  exhibited  the  mean- 
ing of  St.  Paul's  writings  than  this  3'outliful  professor. 

Shortly  after  this,  Melanchthon's  celebrated  TjOgi 
Communes  appeared  in  print.  He  had  presented  in 
his  lectures  at  the  university  the  principal  truths  con- 
tained in  the  writings  of  St.  Paul,  and  the  students 
were  so  well  pleased  with  them,  that  they  had  them 
published.  Naturally^  many  imperfections  existed  in 
the  w^ork  thus  issued,  and  therefore  Melanchthon  re- 
vised and  enlarged  it,  and  published  it  himself  in  the 


EARLY    CONFLICTS.  37 

year  1521.  This  work  was  the  tirst  system  of  the- 
ology of  the  evangelical  Church  and  met  with  an  ex- 
tensive demand.  Luther  was  delighted  with  it,  and 
declared  that  it  was  not  only  worthy  of  immortality, 
l)ut  of  being  received  into  the  canon  of  Scripture.  The 
work  passed  through  more  than  one  hundred  editions. 
It  was  translated  into  a  numl)er  of  other  languages. 
It  appeared  even  in  Rome  under  a  different  name  and 
title,  and  was  eagerly  read  there  until  the  Inquisition 
discovered  the  real  name  of  the  author. 

Wliile  Melanchthon  was  ens-ao^ed  in  these  various 
labors,  his  relations  with  Luther  daily  became  more 
friendly  and  intimate.  In  the  fall  of  1520  Melanch- 
thon wrote :  "Luther  is  too  great,  too  wonderful  U)V 
me  to  depict  in  Avords;  as  often  as  I  regard  liini, 
he  appears  greater  than  before."  lie  looked  up  to 
Luther  with  a  feeling  that  was  greatly  akin  to  awe, 
and  could  not  cease  wondering  at  his  heroic  spirit 
and  conduct.  Equally  high  was  tlie  esteem  in  wliidi 
Luther  held  Melanchthon.  We  Avill  hardly  be  in- 
clined to  agree  with  the  assertion  which  he  makes, 
but  the  words  which  he  spoke  at  the  time  when 
Melanchthon  presented  the  thesis  for  his  degree  cer- 
tainly express  almost  boundless  admiration  for  his 
youthful  friend:  "  This  man,"  he  says,  'Mvill  do  as 
much  as  many  Martins  together,  as  a  most  powerful 
enemy  of  Satan  and  the  scholastic  theology."  To  his 
friend  Lange  at  Erfurt  he  wrote,  about  the  same  time, 
"  This  little  Grecian  excels  me  also  in  theology."  lie 
even  went  so  far  as  to  imagine  in  1520,  that  he  was 
only  meant  to  be  the  forerunner  of  Melanchthon  in 
the  work  of  the  Reformation. 


38  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

It  was  not  long  till  Melanclithon  had  good  occasion 
to  use  his  pen  in  defense  of  his  heroic  friend.  A  very 
bitter  publication  against  Luther  appeared  in  Rome  in 
1520  with  the  title,  "  To  the  Princes  and  People  of 
Germany  against  Martin  Luther,  the  Defamer  of  Ger- 
man Glory."  It  was  published  under  the  fictitious 
name  of  Thomas  Rhadinus.  In  February  of  the  fol- 
lowing year,  Melanchthon  took  up  the  defense  of  the 
slandered  reformer,  under  the  assumed  name  of  Didy- 
mus  Faventinus.  Among  other  things  he  says  :  "  We 
do  not  ask  for  pity  or  mercy,  but  strict  investigation. 
Listen  to  nothing,  ye  princes,  but  to  the  commands  of 
the  Bible ;  think  of  nothing  but  your  own  dignity  and 
the  people's  welfare.  Our  cause  is  not  of  man  but  of 
Christ.  If  I  defend  Luther,  it  is  because  he  has 
brought  the  Gospel  to  light  again.  .  .  .  ]^o  false  call- 
ing on  the  name  of  Christ  or  that  of  his  Apostles, 
Peter  and  Paul,  no  threatenings  or  excommunications, 
should  prevent  you  from  doing  your  duty  as  Christian 
princes.  Regard  it  rather  as  a  privilege  granted  by 
God's  grace,  that  you  are  called  upon,  at  this  time,  to 
see  to  it  that  the  Gospel  of  salvation,  which  had  been 
buried  so  long  but  now  has  begun  to  shine  forth  once 
more,  shall  not  be  buried  again."  This  reply  bears 
noble  testimony  to  his  friendship  for  Luther,  his  full 
sympathy  with  the  Reformation,  and  the  possession 
of  a  moral  courage  which  did  not  shrink  from  an  open 
and  strong  expression  of  his  convictions.  It  exerted 
a  powerful  influence  upon  the  Reformation,  and  de- 
prived the  Roman  Church  of  much  of  the  prestige 
which  it  had  hitherto  enjoyed,  and  of  the  reverence 
with  which  men  had  regarded  it. 


EARLY    CONFLICTS.  39 

Soon  after  this,  Mchinclitlioii  was  engagcHl  in  a 
second  conflict  in  belialf  of  his  friencL  Wliik^  Luther 
was  absent  at  tlie  Wartburg,  the  University  of  Paris, 
or  the  Sorbonne,  as  it  was  called,  pul)lished  a  pamphlet 
against  him,  in  which  the  assertion  was  made,  tliat 
he  ought  rather  to  be  burned  tlian  re-futed  by  ai-u'u- 
ments.  Luther,  when  he  learned  of  it,  took  tlie  mat- 
ter very  calmly  and  said,  "  I  have  read  the  decree  of 
the  Parisian  Sophists  and  rejoice  from  the  heart  ov(>r 
it.  God  would  not  have  so  smitten  them  with  blind- 
ness, if  he  did  not  intend  to  put  an  end  to  their  ty- 
ranny." But  Melanchthon  was  very  indignant  over 
the  matter;  and  when  Eck  made  haste  to  translate 
their  decree  into  German  in  order  to  give  it  a  wide 
circulation,  he  again  entered  the  lists.  He  believed 
that  their  decree  dared  not  be  permitted  to  go  unchal- 
lenged, because  the  theological  faculty  of  the  Sorbonne 
still  possessed  some  of  its  ancient  prestige  and  author- 
ity. The  mild  and  peace-loving  ^lelanchthon  for  once 
breaks  out  into  bitter  sarcasm.  He  professes  himself 
to  be  "  scarcely  able  to  believe  that  such  a  writing 
should  have  emanated  from  Paris,  where  once  the  pious 
Gerson  and  other  noble  men  of  God  lived  and  labored." 
"  They  bring,"  he  says,  ^'  no  arguments  to  confute  Luth- 
er, but  cry  out,  ^  He  is  a  heretic;  let  him  be  ])urn('(l.' 
What  a  genuine  monkish  argument  this  is,  anyway!" 
"He  finds  himself,"  he  declares,  "ol)liged  to  give  cre- 
dence to  the  ancient  saying,  that  the  French  liave  no 
brains;  for  the  Parisian  theologians  are  in  conflict  with 
both  tlie  Holy  Scriptures  and  the  Church  Fathers." 

Shortly  after  this,  there   appeared   an  anonymous 
publication  which  is  interesting  because  it  shows  the 


40  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

high  esteem  in  which  Melanchthon  was  held.  The 
unknown  author  pretends  to  take  the  part  of  the  theo- 
logians of  Paris  against  Melanchthon,  but  in  reality, 
satirizes  them  most  unmercifully^  He  proceeds  in  be- 
half of  the  Sorbonne  to  give  the  marks  by  which  it 
may  be  seen  that  Melanchthon  could  not  possibly 
know  anything  of  the  truth.  "  The  first  mark,"  he 
says,  "  is  this,  that  he  teaches  Grreek."  Hereupon,  he 
purposely  confuses  the  ancient  Greeks  with  the 
modern  Greek  Church  and  asks,  "  How  is  it  possible 
that  the  Greeks,  who  from  time  immemorial  have  been 
rebels,  schismatics  and  heretics,  should  be  good  Romans 
and  Christians  ?  The  second  mark  is  this,  that  Me- 
lanchthon is  hardly  as  yet  twenty-four  years  old. 
Such  a  youth  cannot  help  but  be  in  error,  and  yet  he 
ventures  to  write  against  such  an  ancient,  great,  and 
honorable  university.  It  is  a  wonder  that  his  High- 
ness, the  Elector  Frederick,  who  is  esteemed  to  be 
wise,  tolerates  this  foolish  youth  instead  of  locking 
him  up  until  he  becomes  more  prudent.  Meanwhile, 
we  ought  to  have  compassion  on  his  youth.  The  third 
mark  is  this,  that  he  is  acknowledged  to  be  smaller 
than  his  master,  Luther.  How  can  as  much  learning 
be  contained  in  his  little  body  as  in  the  .great  Sor- 
bonne ?  The  fourth  and  most  dreadful  of  all  is  this, 
that*  he  is  a  layman,  that  he  is  not  even  tonsured. 
And  yet  it  is  said  that  he  is  a  Bachelor  of  Theology, 
and  delivers  lectures  upon  the  writings  of  the  holy  St. 
Paul,  without  wearing  a  monk's  cowl.  Priests  shall 
listen  to  laymen  !  A  pupil  shall  instruct  his  masters, 
a  youth  his  elders,  and  a  Greek  the  Romans !  0  thou 
dreadful  AVittenberg  I     Thou  dost  spoil  all  and  make 


HIS    MARRIAGE    AND    DOMESTIC    LIFE.  41 

of  the  cliurcli  a  Babylon.  And  ix  final  mark  tliorc  is 
which  is  hardly  credible.  He  is  married !  A  layman 
who  has  a  wife  teaches  Tloly  Scriptures  amon<i;  monks 
and  clergy,  in  opposition  to  the  papal  decrees,  which 
teach  that  no  one  who  is  married  is  able  to  serve  God, 
and  Avhieh  forbid  the  priests  to  marry,  so  that  they 
may  be  all  the  better  able — to  play  dice!  If  only 
the  Emperor  Charles  would  destroy  with  fire  and 
sword  this  Wittenberg,  where  so  many  dangerous  in- 
novations in  faith  and  manners  arebrouirht  forward!" 


CHAPTER    VII. 

melanchthon's  marriage  and  domestic  life. 

^   I    y  HE  studies  and  labors  in  which  Melanchthon 
was  engaged  so  engrossed  his  attention,  that 


I 


he  showed  no  inclination  to  enter  the  state 
of  matrimony.  It  was  only  wliiii  it  was  suggested  to 
him  by  others  that  he  thought  of  it  at  all,  and  then 
not  by  any  means  favorably.  His  friends  in  Witten- 
berg, and  among  them  Luther  in  partictdar,  were 
anxious  that  he  sliotdd  be  married.  His  incessant 
labors  were  undermining  his  healtli ;  they  feared  he 
would  break  down,  and  argued  that,  if  he  were  only 
married,  his  wife  could  com}»el  him  to  take  better  eare 
of  himself,  and  that  the  responsibilities  and  eares  in- 
separable from  the  blessed  state  of  matrimony  would 
obliire  him  to  divert  his  attention  sometimes  from   his 


42  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

intellectual  pursuits,  and  to  direct  it  to  family  affairs. 
Luther  also  hoped  that,  if  he  were  married  to  some 
lady  of  Wittenherg,  Melanchthon  would  be  less  likely 
to  accept  any  of  the  calls  which  came  to  him  so  fre- 
quently from  other  universities. 

Perhaps  it  was  Luther  himself,  therefore,  who 
looked  about  for  a  suitable  wife  for  his  beloved  Philip, 
and  decided  that  Catherine  Krapp,  the  daughter  of 
the  burgomaster  of  Wittenberg,  was  the  one  he  was 
seeking.  But  it  was  easier  to  select  a  wife  for  Philip 
than  to  persuade  him  to  take  her.  He  would  not 
listen  to  it  for  a  long  time.  He  was  afraid  that  he 
would  have  to  shorten  his  hours  of  study,  and  thus  rob 
himself  of  his  highest  enjoyment;  he  feared  that  he 
would  be  troubled  with  visitors  from  the  ranks  of  his 
wife's  relatives,  and  that  much  precious  time  would 
be  wasted  for  him.  In  short,  he  frowned  upon  the 
whole  matter.  Finally,  however,  he  was  persuaded  to 
converse  with  the  lady  in  question.  Whether  he  was 
prevailed  upon  by  the  persuasions  of  his  friends,  or  the 
subtle  charms  of  Miss  Catherine  herself,  who,  it  should 
be  said,  possessed  a  very  sweet  and  amiable  disposi- 
tion, is  perhaps  inquiring  too  curiously ;  but  the  fact 
is,  he  changed  his  mind  and  consented  to  be  married. 
They  were  formally  engaged  on  the  eighteenth  of 
August,  1520,  and  were  married  on  the  twenty-fifth 
of  !N'ovember  following. 

The  union  into  which  they  entered  was  a  happy 
one.  Melanchthon's  wife  turned  out  to  be  a  woman 
after  his  own  heart,  and  he  declared  that  he  could  not 
have  wished  himself  a  better  one  from  heaven.  She 
was  pious,  gentle,  decorous,  and  a  kind  and  consider- 


HIS    MARRIAGE    AND    DOMESTIC    LIFE.  43 

ate  help-meet.  !Slie  united  in  her  person  the  very 
virtues  in  which  Mehmchthon  most  deHghted.  She 
was  not  without  her  fauUs,  of  course;  hut  they  were 
of  such  a  kind  that  they  did  not  concern  or  trouhle 
him  much.  She  carried  her  generosity  to  excess,  and 
often  gave  to  the  poor  what  they  needed  hadly  enough 
themselves ;  she  was  inclined  to  attach  too  little  im- 
portance to  the  preparation  of  the  meals;  and  she 
manifested  an  undue  solicitude  for  the  health  of  her 
hushand.  But  Melanchthon  was  guilty  of  excessive 
liberality  himself,  and  little  disposed  to  find  fault  with 
his  better  half  for  following  his  example;  he  was  l)y 
no  means  fond  of  the  pleasures  of  the  table;  and  li<' 
never  permitted  his  wife's  concern  for  his  health  to 
interfere  with  the  performance  of  any  duty  or  imi)ort- 
ant  work. 

The  first  few  months  of  his  wedded  life  w^ere  not 
without  their  trials.  His  financial  condition  was  any- 
thing but  prosperous.  He  had  managed  to  get  along 
tolerably  well  on  his  salary  of  one  hundred  florins,  as 
Ions:  as  he  was  single.  But  he  found  it  considerably 
more  difiicult  to  do  so  now  that  he  was  married  and 
had  to  supply  the  wants  of  a  household.  He  applied 
for  an  increase  of  salary,  but  failed  to  obtain  it.  The 
provision  made  for  the  support  of  the  university  had 
never  been  very  large,  and  the  elector  was  averse  to 
levying  greater  taxes  in  order  to  increase  tlie  amount. 
He  occasionally  i)resented  Melanchthon  with  good 
things  to  eat,  or  with  a  piece  of  clotii  for  a  euat,  but 
granted  no  increase  of  salary.  The  fare  in  Melanch- 
thon's  house  was,  therefore,  very  simple,  sonietimes 
even  meagre.     But,  as  the   days  rolled  on,  he  and  his 


44 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


wife  gradually  accommodated  themselves  to  their  cir- 
cumstances and  liv^ed  contentedly,  even  if  not  in  great 


Mjelanchthon's  Home  at  Wittenberg. 


plenty.  Frequently  Luther,  who  received  no  salary 
at  all  and  still  lived  in  his  monk's  cell,  called  on  them 
and  shared  their  frugal  repast. 


HIS    MARRIAGE    AND    DOMESTIC    LIFE.  45 

Fortunately,  in  the  year  previous  to  his  marriage, 
Melanchthon  had  taken  into  liis  house,  as  his  "famu- 
lus," or  servant,  his  countryman,  John  Koch.  John,  as 
he  was  familiarly  called,  was  l)y  no  means  an  ordinary 
servant,  but  a  sort  of  private  secretary  and  steward 
combined.  He  Avas  a  well-educated  man,  whose  oi)in- 
ion  Melanchthon  highly  valued  and  often  consulted, 
and  who  rendered  him  valuable  assistance  in  his  liter- 
ary labors  and  correspondence.  After  Melanchthon's 
marriage  John  became  the  presiding  genius  of  his 
household,  and  but  for  him  matters  would  often  have 
gone  badly  enough.  He  took  complete  charge  of  the 
finances  of  the  household  and  did  most  of  the  ])uying  for 
it.  While  this  arrangement  was  exceedingly  fortunate 
for  Melanchthon,  it  laid  a  heavy  burden  on  John.  The 
excessive  liberality  of  master  and  mistress  kept  him 
involved  in  a  perpetual  struggle  with  the  problem,  how 
to  make  ends  meet. 

It  may  be  well  at  this  point,  and  before  we  pn^ceed 
to  the  further  consideration  of  Melanchthon's  public 
career,  to  devote  some  space  to  the  description  of  his 
domestic  life.  He  resided  in  the  first  story  of  a  house 
on  College  street.  [N'aturally,  considering  the  meagre- 
ness  of  his  salary,  the  furniture  of  tlie  house  was 
scanty  and  plain.  His  own  private  room,  or  study, 
contained  only  a  desk,  several  shelves  with  books,  and 
a  few  leather-covered  chairs.  On  the  walls  of  the 
room  there  hung  a  few  pictures  and  ma})S.  At  a  later 
period  he  added  a  lounge,  upon  which  he  occasionally 
reclined  to  rest. 

The  immense  amount  of  work  which  Nrelanchthon 
performed  was  made  possible  only  by  a  strict,  system- 


46  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

atic  disposal  of  his  time.  He  rose  regularly  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning  and  began  his  labors.  At  seven 
the  family  gathered  in  the  room  adjoining  the  study, 
and  family  worship  was  held.  Usually,  John  Koch  read 
a  chapter  of  the  Bible,  wdiich  Melanchthon  briefly  ex- 
plained and  followed  with  a  prayer.  Then  all  sat 
down  to  the  breakfast  table  and  partook  of  the  frugal 
fare.  Melanchthon's  own  breakfast  consisted  regu- 
larly of  a  cup  of  hot  milk  and  a  bun.  At  half-past 
seven  he  retired  to  his  room  and  resumed  his  studies. 
From  nine  till  eleven  he  w^as  engaged  in  delivering  his 
lectures  at  the  university.  The  one  hour  of  recrea- 
tion which  he  allowed  himself  was  from  eleven  o'clock 
till  noon.  This  he  spent  with  his  family ;  and  while  his 
wife  was  superintending  the  preparation  of  the  dinner, 
he  relieved  her  of  the  care  of  the  children.  At  noon 
the  family  sat  down  to  dinner.  Melanchthon  always 
ate  sparingly.  He  cared  little  for  meat,  and  declared 
he  would  find  it  easy  to  adopt  the  principles  of  the 
vegetarians.  But  he  could  never  accustom  himself  to 
the  Saxon  style  of  cooking,  and  declared :  "It  is  a 
great  pity  that  in  this  miserable  nest  (Wittenberg) 
there  is  no  proper  food  to  be  found.  There  is  noth- 
ing good  to  be  obtained;  and  if  there  ever  does  hap- 
pen to  be  anything  good,  it  is  spoiled  in  the  cooking. 
Everything  is  barbarous."  This  declaration  was  not 
meant  as  a  reflection  on  the  culinary  talents  of  his 
wife,  for  whom  he  had  the  highest  regard,  but  referred 
to  the  general  style  of  preparing  dishes  which  pre- 
vailed in  that  neighborhood.  He  missed  also  the  good 
Rhenish  wines  of  his  native  home  and  could  never 
learn  to  like  the  wines  of  Wittenberg.     He  often  jo- 


HIS    MARRIACJE    AND    DOMESTIC    LIFE.  47 

cosely  quoted  the  words  of  liis  friend,  Peter  Mosella- 
nus,  about  the  grapes  of  the  neighborhood :  "  The 
finest  vinegar  grows  on  yonder  liills." 

When  dinner  was  over,  he  retired  ai^aiii  to  liis  study. 
He  also  received  visitors  during  the  afternoon.  Tliese 
robbed  him  of  a  great  deal  of  time  and  often  tried 
his  patience  sorely.  They  came  upon  all  kinds  of  er- 
rands. Some  wanted  letters  of  introduction  to  distin- 
guished personages,  others  wanted  testimonials  of 
character,  others  came  to  seek  his  advice,  and  still 
others  brouc^ht  their  writino's  and  asked  him  to  look 
through  them,  correct  them,  and  write  a  commenda- 
tory preface.  Sometimes  they  brought  materials  lor 
a  learned  dissertation  and  asked  him  to  write  it  out 
in  good  form  for  them,  with  the  understanding  that  it 
should  be  published  under  their  name.  Manuscripts 
were  often  sent  to  him  for  his  correction  and  approval, 
with  a  request  to  supply  them  with  an  introduction 
and  have  them  published  for  the  authors.  Sometimes 
he  completely  rewrote  such  manuscripts  and  let  them 
appear  under  the  name  of  others.  Even  many  of  the 
lectures  delivered  by  the  professors  at  the  University 
of  Wittenbero;  were  written  by  him.  It  seems  incred- 
ible,  but  is  related  as  a  fact,  that  the  bulk  of  all  that 
was  written,  publicly  spoken,  or  printed  at  AVittcnbcrg, 
owed  its  form  or  material  to  the  hand  and  brain  of 
Melanchthon.  Xot  only  theologians,  but  philosophers 
and  philologists,  and  even  jurists  and  physicians,  l)or- 
rowed  his  pen.  For,  saving  oidy  P>asnius,  this  won- 
derful man  had  scarcely  a  peer  in  any  l)ran(li  of  learn- 
ing. In  the  goodness  of  his  heart  he  found  it  almost 
impossible  to  refuse  any   request  inadc  ot'  him,  an<l  as 


48  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

far  as  it  lay  within  his  power  he  accommodated  all 
who  sought  his  aid  or  advice.  It  is  really  marvellous 
what  an  amount  of  work  this  intellectual  giant  accom- 
plished, in  spite  of  his  delicate  physical  organization 
and  frequent  illness. 

Amid  such  various  labors  and  employments,  Me- 
lanchthon's  afternoon  passed  away.  For  supper  he 
generally  ate  little,  if  anything,  hut  continued  at  his 
labors  until  nine  o'clock,  which  was  his  hour  for  retir- 
ing. He  made  it  a  rule  to  go  to  bed  at  this  hour.  He 
believed  it  was  essential  to  good  health  to  retire  early. 
But  he  was  evidently  just  as  firm  a  believer  in  early 
rising,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  was  regularly  found  at 
his  desk  again  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  is 
astonishing  that  so  frail  a  body  could  withstand  the 
strain  of  such  unremitting  toil  and  such  short  periods 
of  repose. 

Melanchthon  was  quite  as  liberal  with  his  purse  as 
with  his  mental  talents ;  only  he  had  not  so  much  to 
bestow.  Out  of  the  small  salary  which  he  received 
he  gave  away  till  it  was  all  gone ;  and  Avhen  the  cash 
was  exhausted,  he  supplied  himself  with  it  for  new 
gifts  by  taking  to  the  merchants  silver  or  golden  cups 
which  had  been  presented  to  him.  Naturally  those 
to  whom  he  gave  were  often  unworthy.  But  even  if 
he  discovered  this,  he  was  as  ready  as  usual  to  give  to 
the  next  one  who  applied  for  aid.  This  excessive  lib- 
erality often  put  himself  and  his  family  into  sore 
straits,  and,  even  when  the  faithful  John  racked  his 
brain  to  the  uttermost  for  some  way  to  provide  for 
their  needs,  they  would  frequently  have  suffered  want, 
if  the  elector  and  others  had  not  sent  them  things  to 


HIS    MARRIAGE    AND    DOMESTIC    LIFE.  49 

eat  and  to  wear.  It  was  useless  for  people  to  g'wv  Me- 
lanchthoii  presents  of  money.  In  a  very  short  time, 
he  had  given  it  all  away  again.  His  son-in-law,  Dr. 
Peucer,  at  a  later  period,  s[)oke  very  much  to  the 
point  when  he  said  to  Duke  Albert  of  Prussia,  who  out 
of  gratitude  was  about  ito  give  Melanchthon  a  iti'cscnt 
of  money:  "I  wish  that  nobody  would  give  my 
fatker-in-law  money.  It  helps  neither  him  nor  his  chil- 
dren. He  givfs  it  away  at  once.  I  see  well  enough 
how  it  goes  when  he  receives  his  salary;  he  gives  until 
there  is  not  a  farthing  left.  What  is  lacking  then  for 
the  household  expenses,  I  must  furnish.  But  this  is 
not  calculated  to  make  either  of  us  rich."  Tliis  latter 
aspect  of  the  case,  however,  did  not  trouble  Melanch- 
thon. "  I  have  poverty,"  he  said,  "  as  the  compan- 
ion of  my  philosophy;  but  I  bear  it  willingly." 

Melanchthon  and  his  wife  had  four  children  :  Anna, 
Philip,  George,  and  Magdalen.  George  died  in  infancy. 
Anna,  who  was  Melanchthon's  favorite  child,  was  mar- 
ried to  George  Sabinus,  a  talented  man,  l)ut  one  wlio 
proved  to  be  wholly  unworthy  of  her,  and  who  tilk'(l 
lier  and  her  father's  heart  with  bitter  grief.  Anna 
died  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-three.  The  love  wliicli 
her  father  had  borne  her  he  transferred  to  her  chil- 
dren, wliom  he  took  into  his  own  family.  His  son 
Philip,  though  delicate  in  infancy,  Yived  to  the  age  of 
eighty  years.  He  possessed  none  of  the  eminent  tal- 
ents of  his  father,  but  Avas  a  good  man,  and,  when  vei-y 
old,  wrote  in  an  album,"  I  have  a  desire  to  di'part  and 
be  with  Christ."  Magdalen  was  nuirried  to  the  worthy 
Dr.  Caspar  Peucer,  and  their  union  was  a  liapj>y  one. 


50  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


CHAPTER  YIIL 

MELANCHTHON    DURING    LUTHER'S    ABSENCE    FROM    WIT- 
TENBERG.     1521-1522. 

¥EANWHILE  the  great  spiritual  struggle 
which  was  shaking  the  very  .foundations  of 
society  was  growing  fiercer.  It  was  rapidly 
Hearing  that  stage  when  a  reconciliation  hetween  the 
reformers  and  the  papal  authorities  would  become  im- 
possible. In  the  fall  of  the  year  1520  Eck  returned 
from  Rome  with  a  bull  of  excommunication  against 
Luther  and  his  adherents.  Luther  replied  by  publish- 
ing a  pamphlet  and  burning  the  bull  in  the  presence 
of  a  great  concourse  of  students  and  professors.  The 
die  was  cast;  henceforth  men  had  to  choose  between 
truth  and  falsehood,  Luther  and  the  pope.  Melanch- 
thon  did  not  hesitate  an  instant,  but  placed  himself 
unreservedly  upon  the  side  of  his  friend. 

Early  in  the  year  1521  the  Imperial  Diet  assembled 
at  Worms,  and  Luther  was  summoned  to  appear  before 
it.  The  whole  world  knows  of  the  heroic  stand  which 
he  took  there  for  truth  and  right,  his  refusal  to  recant 
unless  convinced  from  the  Holy  Scriptures  that  he  was 
wrong,  and  the  immortal  words  which  he  uttered, 
"Here  I  stand,  I  cannot  do  otherwise;  God  help  me. 
Amen."  But  after  this  unequivocal  declaration,  Lu- 
ther's life  was  no  longer  safe ;  and  the  elector,  reason- 
ing that  captivity  at  the  liands  of  friends  was  better 
than  imprisonment  and  perhaps  death  at  the  hands  of 


MELANCHTIION    DURTNG    LUTHER's    ABSENCE.  51 


52  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

foes,  had  the  intrepid  monk  carried  off  and  concealed 
in  the  Wartburg. 

During  this  absence  of  Luther  from  AVittenberg, 
which  lasted  almost  a  year,  the  burden  of  directing 
the  movements  of  the  Reformation  fell  upon  the  youth- 
ful shoulders  of  Melanchthon.  But  however  eminent 
his  talents,  this  young  professor  lacked  the  qualities 
which  were  necessary  to  cope  successfully  with  the 
seditious  spirits  Vvdiich  soon  forced  themselves  to  the 
front,  ^o  one  was  more  conscious  of  this  fact  than 
he  was  himself;  and  when  he  received  the  tidings  of 
Luther's  sudden  disappearance  he  was  filled  with  dis- 
may, not  only  at  the  thought  of  the  dangers  to  which 
his  friend  had  perhaps  fallen  a  prey,  but  also  at  the 
sense  of  the  loss  which  the  church  would  suffer,  and 
the  heavy  responsibility  which  would  devolve  npon 
him,  if  it  should  appear  that  Luther  was  really  dead. 
Many  believed  that  he  was  dead,  and  the  greatest  con- 
sternation reigned  among  the  friends  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. 

When  Melanchthon  learned  the  true  state  of  affairs, 
and  heard  that  Luther  was  safe  and  sound  at  the  Wart- 
burg,  he  was  overjoyed.  In  May  he  received  a  letter 
from  Luther,  which  exhorted  him  to  step  into  the 
breach  created  by  the  absence  of  his  friend.  But  the 
mantle  of  Luther  w^as  too  heavy  for  him.  He  com- 
plained in  his  reply  that  many  w^ho  had  been  adherents 
of  Luther  began  now  to  fall  away.  AYlien  he  learned 
that  the  Reformer  was  sick  at  the  Wartburg,  and  had 
no  medical  attendance  for  fear  that  the  secret  of  his 
residence  might  be  betrayed,  he  was  greatly  exercised, 
and  wrote  to  Spalatin  :  "  I  am  worried  about  Luther's 


MELANCHTHON    DURING    LUTIIER'S    ABSENCE.  53 


The  W.vKTiiUKG. 


54  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

health ;  I  fear  he  is  devouring  himself  with  secret  grief, 
not  over  himself,  but  over  us  and  the  Church.  You 
know  with  what  care  a  vessel  in  which  is  contained  so 
great  a  treasure  ought  to  he  preserved.  If  we  were  to 
lose  him,  I  should  have  no  doubt  that  God  is  angry 
with  us.  Through  him  the  lamp  of  Israel  has  been 
lighted  once  more.  What  hopes  would  remain  to  us 
if  it  were  extinguished  again  ?  Omit  nothing  whereby 
you  may  help  him  and  all  of  us.  Oh,  that  I  could  with 
my  life  purchase  the  life  of  this,  the  divinest  man  on 
earth !"  In  the  fall  of  the  year  he  lamented  :  "  Our 
Elijah  is  still  absent  from  us.  We  wait  and  hope  for 
him.  I  am  tormented  daily  with  the  longing  for  his 
return." 

The  labors  and  trials  of  Melanchthon  were  much  in- 
creased by  Luther's  absence.  I^early  all  the  business 
and  lectures  of  the  absent  professor  devolved  upon 
him.  Two  new  professors,  Aurogallus  and  Justus 
Jonas,  were  installed  at  the  university,  and  a  new  ar- 
rangement of  the  lectures  had  to  be  made.  In  all 
these  matters  he  had  to  supply  the  place  of  Luther. 
Yet  in  spite  of  this  additional  labor,  he  found  time 
during  the  year  to  send  out  his  masterly  defence  of 
Luther  against  the  Sorbonne,  to  translate  for  Bartholo- 
mew Bernhard  of  Feldkirch  an  apology  Avhich  that 
pastor  had  prepared  for  marrying  in  opposition  to  the 
papal  decrees,  and  to  perform  a  numl)er  of  other  lit- 
erary labors. 

Before  long,  however,  his  attention  was  almost 
w^holly  engrossed  by  the  revolutionary  changes  which 
took  place  in  Wittenberg.  With  all  his  impetuosity, 
Luther  proceeded  conservatively  in  the  work  of  the 


MELANCHTHON    DURING    LUTHEll's    ABSENCE.  55 

Reformation.  But  during  liis  absence  many  in  ^Vit- 
tenberg  became  radical,  and  were  inclined  to  procci'd 
to  all  manner  of  extremes.  Melanclitlion's  opinion  and 
advice  were  consequently  wanted  everywhere.  Taking 
into  consideration  his  youth  and  comparative  inex}>e- 
rience,  his  decisions  were  usually  marked  by  remark- 
able prudence  and  sagacity.  Thus  he  gave  it  as  his 
opinion  that  the  action  of  the  Saxon  pastors  who  had 
married  was  not  to  be  condemned,  because  tlic  decree 
forbidding  the  marriage  of  the  clergy  was  of  very  late 
origin,  had  been  difficult  to  enforce,  and  found  no 
warrant  in  Scripture.  He  also  was  appointed  by  the 
elector  as  a  member  of  the  commission  charged  with 
delivering  an  opinion  on  the  course  of  the  Augustinian 
monks,  who,  by  the  advice  of  one  of  their  nund)er, 
Gabriel  Zwilling,  had  decided  to  abolish  the  reading 
of  private  masses,  and  to  administer  the  Communion 
in  both  kinds,  instead  of  giving  the  laity  simply  tlie 
bread,  as  had  hitherto  been  the  Romish  custom.  The 
elector  feared  that  this  action  was  premature,  and 
would  lead  to  trouble.  The  commission,  however,  in 
its  report,  sanctioned  the  action  of  the  monks;  and 
when  the  elector  was  dissatisfied  with  this  opinion  and 
offered  objections  to  it,  they  replied  that  they  would 
abide  by  their  first  report,  and  could  not,  in  the  in- 
terests of  the  truth,  deliver  a  difh'rent  opinion.  The 
elector,  therefore,  decided  to  let  matters  take  their 
course,  and  did  not  attempt  to  interfere.  The  move- 
ment among  the  monks  gained  strength,  and  in  De- 
cember of  tlie  same  year  they  formally  abolished  these 
abuses  at  a  provincial  convention  lield  in  Wittenberg. 
But  Melanchthon  was  not  equal  to  all  the  emergen- 


56  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

cies  which  arose  during  Luther's  absence.  Both  his 
youth  and  his  mental  bias  were  ao-ainst  him.  He  was 
more  fitted  for  reflection  and  contemplation  than  for 
practical  decision  and  action.  Many  matters  came 
before  him,  upon  which  he  felt  himself  incompetent 
to  pronounce  judgment  without  a  careful  and  lengthy 
investigation,  but  which  should  have  been  decided  at 
once.  This  was  the  case  in  his  experience  with  the 
Zwickau  prophets.  These  claimed  that  they  were  di- 
rectly inspired  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  possessed  a 
spiritual  knowledge  superior  to  that  of  those  who  de- 
jDended  on  the  Bible  for  their  information.  They  also 
denied  the  validity  of  infant  baptism,  and  declared 
that  the  temporal  government,  which  was  guilty  of 
much  wrong,  must  be  abolished  and  replaced  b}^  an- 
other, of  which  Storch,  by  divine  appointment,  was  to 
be  the  head.  Their  confident  bearing  perplexed  Me- 
lanchthon.  He  did  not  possess  that  eminently  practi- 
cal spirit  and  that  knowledge  of  human  nature  which 
Luther  possessed ;  and  he  was  much  puzzled  to  know 
how  he  should  regard  and  treat  these  men.  He  sighed 
for  the  return  of  Luther,  believing  that  he  alone  could 
be  relied  on  to  decide  upon  their  claims.  He  even 
requested  the  elector  to  send  for  him,  but  this  the 
elector  refused  to  do.  Their  denial  of  the  validity  of 
infant  baptism  troubled  Melanchthon  greatly,  and  he 
did  not  know  just  how  to  refute  them.  Luther,  on 
the  other  hand,  when  he  heard  of  the  matter,  made 
short  work  of  it,  and  wrote :  *'  If  they  have  nothing 
to  say  but  this,  that,  ^  He  that  believeth  and  is  baptized 
shall  be  saved,'  and  that  children  do  not  believe,  I  am 
not  in  the  least  disturbed.     How  will  they  prove  that 


MELANCIITIION    DURING    LUTHER's    ABSENCE.  57 

children  do  not  believe  ?  Will  they  say,  '  Because 
they  do  not  speak  and  show  their  faith  ?  '  That  would 
be  fine,  indeed.  If  this  were  so,  then  how  many  hours 
are  we  Christians  when  we  sleep  or  are  busy  at  work  ? 
Cannot  God  preserve  faith  in  the  child  as  if  it  were 
in  constant  sleep  ?  " 

The  fanatics,  however,  gained  many  adherents.  One 
of  the  most  violent  of  these  was  Carlstadt.  Un(k'i-  liis 
leadership,  the  excited  populace  burned  tlic  images  in 
the  churches,  destroyed  the  altars,  abolished  [)rivate 
confession,  introduced  radical  changes  in  the  ])ublic 
worship,  condemned  education  as  useless,  advised  all 
the  students  to  learn  a  trade,  and  desired  wholly  to 
abolish  the  clergy  and  theological  training.  As  au- 
thority for  their  violent  measures,  they  appealed  to 
their  Christian  liberty  and  the  Holy  Sjjirit  whom  they 
claimed  to  possess.  All  who  did  not  run  with  them 
to  the  same  excess  were  vigorously  denounced  as  here- 
tics. Melanchthon  was  powerless  to  quell  the  disturb- 
ance. He  had  hesitated  too  long  before  he  came  to  a 
decision  in  the  matter;  and  when  he  had  made  up  liis 
mind,  the  mischief  was  done,  and  he  was  uuabK-  to 
undo  it.  The  situation  was  too  much  for  him.  lie 
was  no  preacher,  and  he  had  no  gifts  as  a  popular  ora- 
tor. He  could  not  hope,  therefore,  to  mend  nnitters 
by  pul)licly  declaiming  against  the  fanatics.  He  was 
at  his  wits'  end,  and  could  oidy  ])ray  for  Luther's  i\- 
turn.      The  disorder  was  increasing  daily. 

Luther  himself  l)ecame  eonNinccd  tliat  his  prrsmc*- 
was  imperatively  necessary.  AVritiiig  a  heroic  letter 
to  the  elector,  in  which  he  relievc(l  that  ruler  of  all 
responsibility  for  his  safety,  and  expressed  his  conti- 


68  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

dence  in  the  protection  of  a  higher  power  than  that  of 
the  elector,  he  hastened  to  Wittenberg.  His  appear- 
ance was  hailed  with  joy.  On  the  following  Sunday 
he  entered  his  pulpit,  and  for  eight  days  in  succession 
preached  against  the  fanatics.  In  a  short  time  order 
was  again  restored  by  Luther's  simple  preaching  of 
the  Word  of  God.  To  that  Word  also  he  gave  the 
credit.  In  one  of  the  sermons  which  he  delivered  on 
his  return,  he  thus  referred  to  what  he  had  hitherto 
been  instrumental  in  achieving :  "  I  opposed  the  sale 
of  indulgences  and  all  the  papists,  but  not  with  force. 
I  simply  preached  and  wrote  God's  Word.  And  even 
while  I  slept  or  enjoyed  myself  in  the  company  of 
Philip  and  Amsdorf,  that  Word  has  weakened  popery 
to  such  an  extent  that  no  prince  or  emperor  has  ever 
been  able  to  do  it  equal  inj  ury.  I  have  done  nothing ; 
the  Word  has  done  it  all." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

NEW  LABORS. A  VISIT  TO  BRETTEN. MELANCHTHON   AND 

ERASMUS.     1522-1524. 

1^  FTEP  his  return  to  Wittenberg,  Luther  called 
A^\  upon  Melanchthon  for  aid  in  revising  the 
(f^  translation  of  the  Kew  Testament,  which  the 
former  had  made  at  the  Wartburg.  This  required 
much  patient  labor  and  research.  There  were  still 
many  obscure  passages  which  Luther's  knowledge  of 
Greek  had  not  been  sufficient  to  master,  and  which 


NEW    LABORS.  59 

Molanchthon  was  asked  to  explain.  Tlici-c  were  still 
many  questions  about  eustoms,  eoins,  wci^lits,  and 
measures,  which  he  was  requested  to  answer,  lie 
spared  no  efforts  nor  pains  to  assist  in  ascertaining  tiic 
exact  sense  of  the  original.  When  he  could  not  i-cadi 
a  satisfactory  conclusion  himself  concerning  a  \vor(l, 
he  appUed  for  information  and  advice  to  various 
friends.  Often  he  and  Luther  sou2:ht  for  davs  at  a 
time  to  discover  the  exact  German  wor(l  which  tliey 
needed  for  their  purpose,  and  even  tluMi  did  not  al- 
ways succeed  to  their  satisfaction.  But  at  last,  after 
much  toil,  the  work  was  ready  for  the  press,  and  was 
published  in  AVittenberg  in  the  fall  of  1522,  The 
denumd  for  it  was  very  great.  Tn  a  few  months  a 
second  edition  was  necessary,  and  it  was  reprinted 
in  Basle  and  other  places.  Luther  had  always  insisted 
on  the  authority  of  the  Word  of  God  as  the  only  rule 
of  faith  and  life,  and  the  people  were  eager  to  possess 
that  Word  and  read  it  for  themselves. 

The  effect  of  this  publication  of  the  Xew  Testaim-nt 
in  the  language  of  the  people  is  thus  described  by 
Cochheus,  a  bitter  enemy  of  the  Keforniation  :  '-  ( 'opies 
of  the  New  Testament  have  been  multiplied  to  an  a>- 
tonishins:  extent:  so  that  shoemakers,  women,  and 
laymen  of  all  kinds  read  it,  carry  it  about  with  them, 
and  liave  learned  its  contents  by  heart.  In  conse- 
quence of  this,  they  have,  in  a  fewnionths,  become  so 
presumptuous  that  they  have  emboldened  ilicnisi-lves 
to  dispute,  not  only  with  Catholic  laymen,  but  with 
priests  and  monks,  and  even  with  Magistrates  and 
Doctors  of  Theology.  It  has  even  happened,  at  times, 
that  Lutheran  lavmen   have  been   able   to  ({Uote,  off- 


60  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

hand,  more  passages  of  Scripture  than  the  monks  and 
priests  themselves ;  and  Luther  has  long  ago  convinced 
his  crowd  of  adherents  that  they  should  not  believe 
any  doctrine  which  is  not  derived  from  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures. The  most  learned  Catholic  theologians  are  now 
looked  upon  by  the  Lutherans  as  ignoramuses  in  the 
Scriptures;  and  here  and  there  laymen  have  been 
heard  to  contradict  theologians  in  the  presence  of  the 
people,  and  to  charge  them  with  preaching  falsehood 
and  things  of  man's  devising."* 

While  the  Kew  Testament  was  in  press  Luther  and 
Melanchthon  began  work  upon  the  translation  of  the 
Old.  They  w^ere  assisted  by  Aurogallus,  the  professor  of 
Hebrew.  Li  the  beginning  of  the  year  1523  the  ^ve 
books  of  Moses  were  published;  in  1524  the  historical 
l)ooks  of  the  Old  Testament  appeared.  But  the  work 
of  translating  the  prophetical  books  proceeded  slowly. 
It  was  found  exceedingly  difficult  "  to  make  those 
ancient  prophets  speak  in  good  German."  "  Job,"  said 
Luther,  "  seems  just  as  unwilling  to  put  up  with  our 
translation  as  with  the  consolations  of  his  friends." 
And  he  thus  describes  the  difficulties  wdiich  they  en- 
countered :  ''  Magister  Philip,  Aurogallus,  and  myself 
are  laboring  upon  Job ;  but  it  goes  so  slowly  that  in 
four  days  we  hardly  complete  four  lines.  When  the 
translation  has  been  made,  any  one  can  read  it  easily 
enough.  He  can  fairly  run  over  it  with  his  eyes,  ^\'ith- 
out  once  stumbling;  and  he  will  not  dream  of  the  ob- 
structions which  lay  in  our  way,  and  how  we  had  to 
sweat  and  worry  before  w^e  had  them  removed." 

*  From  Life  of  Luther,  translated  by  Dr.  Schaeffer. 


NEW    LABORS. 


61 


The  work  of  translating  the  Old  Testament  pro- 
gressed so  slowly  that  the^complete  Bible  in  German 
was  not  published  until  the  year  1534.    This  was  due 
not  only  to  the  difficulties  which  the   translators  en- 
countered in  their  work,  but  also  to  the  fact  that  they 
were  frequently  interrupted  by  other  labors  which  the 
rapid  progress  of  the  Reformation  rendered  necessary. 
The  Bible  was  constantly  revised  and  corrected   by 
Luther  and  his  friends,  up  to  the  time  of  his  death. 
The  last  edition  published  by  Luther  himself  appeared 
in  1545.     Others,  besides  the  three  men  mentioned 
above,  took  part,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  work. 
Those  principally  engaged  were  Luther,  Melanchthon, 
Aurogallus;Cruciger,  Jonas,  and  Bugenhagen  or  rome- 
ranus?    Concerning  the  share  which  diiferent  individu- 
als took  in  the  work,  Melanchthon  said:  "  Dr.  Tome- 
ranusisthe  grammarian;  he  devotes  himself  to  the 
elucidation  of  the  text.     I  am  the  dialectician;  I  note 
the  connection  in  which  the  text  is  found,  and  what 
may  logically  and  scripturally  be   deduced  from   it. 
Jonas  is  the  orator;  he  is  able  to  apply  the  words  ot 
the  text  beautifully  and  plainly  to  actual  life.    But  Dr. 
Martin  is  all  in  all;  the  speech  and  writing  of  this 
wonderful  man  and  chosen  instrument  of  God  pierce 
through  heart  and  marrow,  and  leave  their  impress 
and  comfort  in  the  hearts  of  the  people." 

Althouo:h  Melanchthon  was  much  occupied  with 
theoloo-icai  labors,  he  was  not  willing  to  give  up  his 
position  as  professor  of  Greek.  Under  the  impression 
that  this  office  was  not  honorable  enough  for  such  a 
man  as  Melanchthon,  it  was  proposed,  at  Luther's  sug- 
o-estion,  to  relieve  liim  of  it,  and  to  give  it  to  some 


62 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


TuK  Translators  of  tue  Bible. 


NEW    LABORS.  63 

one  else.  It  was  thou2:lit,  also,  that  if  this  were  done, 
Melanchthon  would  be  enabled  to  devote  himself  more 
fully  to  theology.  But  he  objected  strenuously  to  such 
a  procedure,  and  declared  that  he  would  rather  give  up 
teachino^  theolos-v  than  Greek  grammar.  As  mav  be 
gathered  from  some  of  the  letters  which  he  wrote  at 
the  time,  he  did  not,  even  though  lie  was  fond  of  the- 
ological studies,  feel  at  home  in  the  othce  of  theolog- 
ical professor.  He  was  averse,  also,  to  taking  any  step 
which  might  detract  from  the  high  esteem  in  which 
the  classical  studies  were  then  held  ;  for  he  considered 
it  of  the  highest  importance  for  the  triumph  of  re- 
ligious truth  that  the  study  of  the  classical  languages 
shoukl  be  appreciated  at  its  proper  value.  He  wrote 
to  Spalatin,  therefore,  that,  in  view  of  the  importance 
of  a  thorough  classical  training  for  the  study  of  the- 
oloo^v,  and  of  the  evil  effects  which,  on  account  of  the 
scarcity  of  competent  teachers  of  languages,  his  giv- 
ing up  of  the  Greek  professorship  might  produce  upon 
the  university,  he  could  not  consent  to  such  a  change. 
He  was  then  suffered  to  have  his  way,  and  bear  tlie 
burden  of  a  double  professorship  of  Greek  and  of 
thcolo2:v. 

The  instruction  which  he  gave  in  the  Greek  hin- 
guage  did  not,  however,  materially  interfere  witli  liis 
theological  activity.  In  the  very  next  year,  l')2o,  lie 
published  his  "  Annotations  upon  Some  Obscure  Pas- 
sages in  Genesis."  Several  commentaries  written  l»y 
him  upon  books  of  the  Xew  Testament  also  appeared, 
namely,  on  St.  Mattliew,  St.  John,  and  tlie  Epistles  to 
the  Romans  and  Corinthians.  His  commentaries  on 
Romans  and  Gorinthians  were   published  for  him  by 


64  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHOX. 

Lutlier.  Melanchthon's  great  modesty  prevented  him 
from  giving  them  to  the  public.  But  Luther  appre- 
ciated their  vahie,  secretly  obtained  a  copy  of  them, 
and,  without  asking  for  permission,  published  them, 
jokingly  remarking  in  the  introduction  to  them, 
Avhich  he  addressed  to  Melanchthon :  "  It  is  I  who 
publish  these  your  annotations  and  send  you  to  your- 
self. If  you  take  no  pleasure  in  yourself,  very  well ; 
it  is  sufficient  that  we  take  pleasure  in  you.  If  there 
be  any  blame  in  this  matter  it  rests  on  you.  Why 
did  you  not  publish  these  writings  yourself?  Did  I 
not  often  beg,  urge  and  command  you  to  do  so  ?" 

For  almost  six  years  Melanchthon  had  now  been 
laboring  without  permitting  himself  any  but  the 
shortest  periods  of  repose.  He  needed  a  rest.  An 
obstinate  attack  of  insomnia  threatened  ruin  to  body 
and  mind.  He  proposed,  therefore,  to  take  a  vacation. 
A  friend  and  fellow-professor,  William  ^esen,  had  de- 
termined to  go  to  his  home,  at  Frankfort-on-the-^Iain, 
and  Melanchthon  decided  to  accompaay  him  to  that 
point,  and  proceed  from  there  to  Bretten,  on  a  visit  to 
his  mother.  He  mentioned  his  plan  to  Luther,  and 
confided  to  him  some  conscientious  scruples  about  the 
propriety  of  taking  such  a  step.  Luther  quickly  re- 
moved his  scruples  by  replying :  "  Go,  dear  brother 
Philip;  start  upon  your  journey  in  God's  name,  since 
even  our  Lord  did  not  preach  and  teach  incessantly, 
but  occasionally  went  upon  visits  to  his  friends  and 
relatives.  One  thing  only  I  ask  of  you  :  return  to  us 
soon.  I  will  meanwhile  pray  diligently  for  you.  And 
now  go." 

Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  April  16,  1524,  in 


A    VISIT    TO    BRETTEN.  65 

company  with  IN'esen,  Francis  Burkhard  of  Weimar, 
John  Silberborner  of  Worms,  and  Melanchthon's  most 
intimate  friend  and  biographer,  Joachim  Camerarius 
of  Bamberg,  he  started  upon  his  journey.  The  com- 
panionship of  Camerarius  was  especially  agreeable  to 
him.  These  two  men,  who  all  their  life  Ions:  remained 
the  closest  friends,  were  so  nearly  of  the  same  age, 
were  engaged  in  such  similar  studies  and  occupations, 
and  were  so  much  alike  in  their  views  and  dispositions, 
that  they  found  it  mutually  their  greatest  delight  to 
converse  or  corresf)ond  with  each  other.  Camerarius, 
like  his  friend,  was  professor  of  the  Greek  language, 
and  held  a  position  in  the  University  of  Erfurt.  Di- 
recting their  course  through  Leipzig,  where  they 
learned  that  their  friend,  Peter  Mosellanus,  lay  at  the 
point  of  death,  and  visited  him,  the  travellers  proceeded 
through  Eisenach  to  Fulda.  Here  they  learned  the 
sad  tidings,  that  Ulrich  Von  Ilutten,  that  talented  and 
well-meaning,  but  ill-advised  scholar  and  knight,  who 
had  sought  refuge  from  the  persecutions  of  Rome 
upon  an  island  in  the  Lake  of  Zurich,  had  died  in  his 
place  of  exile.  From  Fulda  they  journeyed  to  Frank- 
fort, where  Nesen  remained  behind,  while  the  others 
proceeded  on  their  way  to  Bretten.  When  Melanch- 
thon  beheld  his  native  town,  it  is  reported  that,  in 
deep  emotion,  he  dismounted  from  his  horse,  and, 
falling  upon  his  knees,  exclaimed,  "  O  my  native 
land !  I  thank  Thee,  O  Lord,  that  I  am  permitted  to 
behold  it  again."  Ilis  mother  almost  fainted  with 
surprise  and  joy  when  she  beheld  him.  After  his 
three  companions  had  tarried  for  a  few  days  at  Bret- 
ten,  they  bade  farewell  to  Melanchthon  and  continued 

5 


66 


LIFE    OF   MELANCHTHON. 


Joachim  Camerarius. 


A    VISIT    TO    BRETTEN.  67 

their  way  to  Basle,  where  they  expected  to  visit  Eras- 
mus. 

Mehmchthon's  mother  was  not  very  well  pleased 
with  her  illustrious  son,  because  hv  had  married  one 
of  the  daughters  of  Wittenherii,*  instead  of  the  one 
which  she,  in  her  motherly  solicitude,  had  selected  for 
him  in  Bretten.  But  in  the  joy  of  their  reunion  and 
the  sweet  converse  of  mother  and  son,  she  soon  learned 
to  forget  her  vexation,  and  became  reconciled.  It  soon 
appeared,  too,  that  she  was  displeased  with  the  promi- 
nent part  which  he  had  taken  in  the  religious  contro- 
versies of  the  times.  They  frequently  discussed  the 
subject  between  them.  But  she  could  not  be  brought 
to  see  the  difference  between  an  attack  upon  the  errors 
and  superstitions  of  the  prevailing  belief  and  an  attack 
upon  religion  itself.  She  remained  a  Roman  Catholic 
to  the  end. 

While  Melanchthon  sojourned  in  Bretten  the  Uni- 
versity of  Heidelberg,  in  recognition  of  his  distin- 
guished services  in  the  cause  of  learning,  sent  him, 
by  the  hand  of  three  of  its  professors,  a  valuable  and 
beautifully  chased  goblet  of  silver.  Perhaps  the  uni- 
versity desired  by  this  means  to  make  amends  for  re- 
fusing, twelve  years  before,  to  grant  the  Master's  de- 
gree to  the  youthful  student  who  since  that  time  had 
become  so  famous.  Another  delegation  also  came 
from  Ileidelbero-  on  an  errand  which  was  bv  no  means 
so  pleasant  to  him.  The  papal  legate,  Cardinal  C^im- 
pegius,  was  then  staying  at  Heidelberg,  having  gone 
thither  from  the  diet  recentlv  held  at  Nur«'iiil)eri^. 
Hearing  that  Melanchthon  was  visiting  at  Bretten, 
and  realizing  the  importance  of  detaching  him,  if  pos- 


(J8  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

sible,  from  the  cause  of  the  Reformation,  he  sent  his 
private  secretary,  Frederic  Nausea,  to  Bretten,  to  en- 
deavor to  bring  about  such  a  result.  In  the  interview 
which  followed,  it  was  plainly  hinted  to  Melanchthon 
that,  if  he  would  only  desert  Luther,  a  glorious  future 
in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  was  open  before  him. 
But  Melanchthon  was  not  a  man  who  could  be  moved 
by  such  inducements  to  turn  traitor  to  the  truth ;  and 
he  therefore  replied  :  "  What  I  have  once  come  to  re- 
gard as  true  I  hold  fast  and  maintain,  without  respect 
to  the  favor  of  any  mortal  and  without  regard  to  ad- 
vantage, honor,  or  gain.  I  will  never  desert  those 
who  first  brought  better  things  to  light;  but  at  the 
same  time  I  shall  ever  remain  true  to  myself  by  teach- 
ing and  defending  the  truth  without  descending  to 
quarrels  and  abuse.  I  advise  all  who  have  a  sincere 
desire  for  peace  and  unity  to  do  what  lies  within  their 
power  to  heal  the  wounds  which  can  no  longer  be  con- 
cealed, and  to  restrain  the  senseless  fury  of  those  who 
constantly  seek  to  inflame  them.  It  is  impious  and 
insane  to  threaten  with  destruction  all  who  adhere  to 
Luther." 

While  Melanchthon  tarried  at  Bretten  his  three 
companions,  as  we  have  stated,  continued  their  journey 
as  far  as  Basle,  and  paid  a  visit  to  Erasmus.  As  this 
famous  scholar  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  recognize 
and  admire  the  extraordinary  talents  of  Melanchthon, 
and  the  latter  had  always  regarded  that  eminent  hu- 
manist with  the  highest  esteem  and  almost  with  vene- 
ration for  his  distinii^uished  services  in  the  revival  of 
classical  learning,  it  may  be  well  to  say  a  few  words 
concerning  the  relations  between  these  two  men.     In 


MELANCHTHON    AND    ERASMUS. 


69 


its  earlier  stages  Erasmus  had  been  friendly  to  the 
Reformation.  He  had  himself,  in  his  satirical  writ^ 
ings,  attacked  some  of  the  prevalent  abuses.  He  had 
rejoiced  at  the  defeat  of  monasticism,  and  had  per- 
sistently refused  to  write  against  Luther.     Many  of 


;^^"^r  . 


Erasmus  of  Rotterdam. 


the  papists  even  accused  Erasmus  of  collusion  with 
the  "  heretics."  But  Luther  was  too  unsparing  for 
him.  Erasmus  wanted  a  reformation  wliich  could 
be  accomplished  peaceably,  and  actually  desired  only 
the   reformation  of  external  abuses.     He  was  averse 


70  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

to  positive  statements  of  doctrine,  and  found  fault 
with  what  he  called  Luther's  want  of  moderation. 
Finally,  it  came  to  a  breach  between  them.  But  with 
Melanchthon,  the  great  Hollander  continued  to  the 
end  on  friendly  termsi. 

Melanchthon  had  been  possessed  with  a  strong  de- 
sire to  accompany  his  friends  on  their  visit  to  Erasmus. 
But  he  feared  that  his  doing  so  would  add  to  the  dis- 
tresses which  that  scholar  suffered.  These  were  great 
enough  already.  The  neutral  position  which  Erasmus 
had  endeavored  to  maintain  in  the  pending  contro- 
versies, had  made  him  an  object  of  suspicion  to  both 
parties.  By  the  Lutherans,  he  was  accused  of  being  a 
coward  and  time-server ;  by  the  Roman  Catholics,  of 
being  at  heart  a  Lutheran.  His  position  was  far  from 
enviable.  It  was  rumored  at  the  present  time,  that  he 
was  about  to  take  the  part  of  King  Henry  YIII.  of 
England  in  his  controversy  with  Luther,  and  was  pre- 
paring a  pamphlet  for  that  purpose.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, and  in  order  not  to  involve  Erasmus  in 
any  greater  embarrassments  than  those  under  which  he 
already  labored,  Melanchthon  deemed  it  advisable  not 
to  go  to  Basle.  Erasmus  appreciated  his  motives; 
and,  although  he  published,  during  the  year,  his  pam- 
phlet on  the  "  Free  Will,"  and  fiercely  attacked  in  it 
the  position  which  Luther  and  Melanchthon  main- 
tained, he  still  endeavored  to  remain  on  friendly 
terms  with  Melanchthon,  and  wrote  him  a  lengthy 
letter,  in  which  he  set  forth  his  opinion  of  the  Refor- 
mation. 

Li  this  letter  he  assures  Melanchthon  first  of  all,  of 
the  pleasure  which  he  would  have  experienced,  had  he 


MELANCHTHON  AND  ERASMUS.  71 

been  favored  with  a  visit ;  "  for  he  had  always  been 
an  admirer  of  Melanchthon's  great  gifts,  and  doubly 
so,  since  he  had  read  his  Loci  Communes.  He  would 
not  deny,  he  said,  that  there  were  many  things  in  that 
excellent  work  with  which  he  could  not  agree ;  but  he 
had  no  desire  to  raise  a  controversy  over  them  nor 
over  other  points  which  he  might  mention.  He  as- 
serted, that  he  was  not  only  not  opposed,  in  general,  to 
the  restoration  of  evangelical  truth,  but  actually  de- 
sired it,  and  had  always  hoped  that  Luther  would  use 
more  moderation.  For  this  reason,  he  had  hitherto 
exerted  his  influence  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  theolo- 
gians and  the  rage  of  the  princes,  and  had  anxiously 
waited  for  the  time  when  the  cause  of  the  Gospel 
might  be  promoted  without  great  disturbance.  This, 
he  added,  he  still  continued  to  do.  At  every  suitable 
opportunity  he  wrote  to  the  emperor  and  other  princes. 
To  a  certain  extent  he  played  the  part  of  Gamaliel ; 
and  he  hoped  for  a  happy  issue  of  the  matter.  Then 
he  proceeds  to  mention  the  divergence  of  views  which 
had  arisen  among  the  adherents  of  the  reformers,  and 
the  inconsistent  and  disorderly  conduct  of  many  among 
them,  as  a  reason,  why  he  could  not  ally  himself  with 
them.  '  I  see  here,'  he  says,  '  many  persons  of  such 
a  character,  that,  even  if  I  approved  of  all  that  Luther 
writes,  I  would  not  care  to  be  counted  as  belonging  to 
their  party.'  Finally,  he  referred  to  the  controversy 
with  Luther  upon  which  he  had  just  entered,  and  di- 
clared  that,  since  his  views  differed  so  materially  from 
those  of  Luther,  and  the  latter  had  informed  him  in 
his  last  letter  that  a  further  silence  would  be  regarded 
as  an  evidence  of  timiditv  and  cowardice,  he  owed  it 


72  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

to  himself,  his  Church  and  his  friends,  to  take  up  the 
pen  against  Luther  and  publish  his  pamphlet  on  the 
freedom  of  the  will." 

This  publication  of  Erasmus  attacked  the  j)08ition 
Avhich  not  only  Luther,  but  Melanchthon  also,  had 
maintained.  Both  of  the  reformers  had  taught  the 
total  depravity  of  human  nature,  and  held  that  the 
Holy  Spirit  must  bring  about  a  new  ^\dll  in  the  human 
heart,  and,  even  in  the  regenerate,  must  prompt  to 
everything  that  is  good.  But  Melanchthon  did  not 
take  any  active  part  in  this  controversy  between 
Luther  and  Erasmus.  He  wrote  a  reply,  however,  to 
the  letter  which  he  had  received,  and  said  that  there 
was,  indeed,  "  some  reason  for  the  complaints  made 
about  the  conduct  of  many  of  the  adherents  of 
Luther's  doctrine ;  but  that  Luther  was  as  much  dis- 
pleased with  such  people  as  Erasmus,  and  to  lay  the 
blame  of  their  unworthy  actions  upon  Luther  or  to 
the  doctrine  which  he  taught  was  a  gross  injustice. 
He  himself,  he  declared,  could  not  with  a  good  con- 
science, reject  Luther's  doctrines,  though  he  would  do 
so  at  once  if  he  saw  that  they  were  unscriptural.  But 
as  this  was  not  the  case  he  would  not,  even  at  the  risk 
of  being  considered  superstitious  or  foolish,  nor  yet  in 
order  to  avoid  conflict  with  the  present  order  of 
things,  permit  himself  to  waver  in  his  faith." 

We  left  Melanchthon  in  the  pleasant  society  of  his 
mother,  enjoying  a  well-earned  and  much-needed  va- 
cation. After  an  absence  of  about  four  weeks,  his 
friends  came  back  from  Basle,  and  preparations  were 
immediately  made  for  the  return  to  Wittenberg.  Hi? 
mother,  of  course,  would  gladly  have  kept  him  longer 


s 


MEETING    WITH    PHILIP    OF    HESSE.  73 

But  this  coxild  not  be,  and  the  farewells  had  to  he 
said.  She  saw  her  son  hut  once  more  on  earth,  and 
that  was  during  the  second  Diet  of  Speyer.  She  died 
in  1529. 

The  homeward  journey  led  Melanchthon  and  his 
friends  back  to  Frankfort.  On  the  way  thither  they 
were  inet  by  Philip  of  Hesse,  who  was  traveling  on 
the  same  road  with  a  large  train  of  followers.  Aware 
of  the  presence  of  Melanchthon  in  that  neighborhood 
and  perceiving  a  group  of  horsemen  who  looked  as  if 
they  might  be  learned  men,  the  landgrave  approached 
them  and  asked  whether  Philip  Melanchthon  was 
among  them.  Melanchthon  replied  in  the  affirmative, 
and,  as  a  mark  of  respect,  was  about  to  dismount;  but 
he  was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the  landgrave,  who 
insisted  on  having  the  company  of  the  i>arty  over 
night.  There  w^ere  many  things,  the  prince  said, 
which  he  desired  to  have  them  explain.  He  bade  Me- 
lanchthon not  to  fear  any  harm  from  hini.  Melanch- 
thon assured  the  prince  that  he  was  not  afraid,  and 
that,  besides,  he  was  a  very  unimportant  individual 
and  had,  therefore,  the  less  reason  to  fear.  "  Yet," 
replied  the  prince,  "  Cardinal  Campegius  would  be 
overjoyed  if  you  were  given  over  into  his  hands." 
After  they  had  indulged  in  some  unimportant  con- 
versation, Melanchthon  respectfully  asked  permission 
to  continue  his  journey,  and  the  landgrave  consented, 
provided  that,  after  his  return  to  AVittenberg,  Me- 
lanchthon would  send  to  him  a  detailed  account  of 
the  causes  and  progress  of  the  recent  innovations  in 
religious  matters.  To  this  Melanchthon  readily  as- 
sented;   and,  after  his  arrival  at  AVittenberg,  lie  pre- 


74 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


Philip  I.,  Landgrave  of  Hesse. 


THE    RETURN    TO    WITTENBERG.  75 

pared  such  a  (locument  and  scut  it  to  the  prince.  The 
result  was  remarkable;  for,  as  early  as  1525,  Philip 
of  Hesse  openly  declared  in  favor  of  the  Reformation. 
It  is  a  great  pity  that  the  unbridled  sensuality  of  this 
otherwise  worthy  prince  subsequently  involved  Me- 
lanchthon  and  the  Reformation  in  serious  difficulty. 

The  journey  of  Melanchthon,  which  began  so  joy- 
fully, ended  sadly.  Burkhard  was  left  behind,  ill,  at 
Frankfort ;  ]^esen  was  drowned  in  the  Elbe,  on  July 
5th,  while  he  was  crossing  that  river  in  a  boat;  and 
Camerarius  had  to  leave  his  friend  and  go  to  Bam- 
berg. Melanchthon  and  Silberborner  returned  alone, 
in  sorroAV,  to  Wittenberg,  arriving  there  July  15th,  af- 
ter an  absence  of  almost  three  months. 

A  spirit  of  melancholy  settled  down  upon  Melanch- 
thon. He  longed  particularly  for  the  company  of  his 
bosom  friend,  Camerarius,  and  wrote  to  him  :  "  I  live 
here  as  though  I  were  in  a  desert.  I  have  little  inter- 
course with  any  but  sm^ll  minds,  in  whom  I  can  take 
no  pleasure.  Consequently,  I  sit  at  home  like  a  lame 
cobbler.''  That  Luther  was  not  counted  among  the 
small  minds  to  which  he  refers,  is  self-evident. 


76  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


I 


CHAPTER    X. 

THE    peasants'    WAR.       LUTHER's    MARRIAGE.       THE 
SAXON    VISITATION.       1525-1527. 

^N"  the  year  1525  Germany  became  the  scene  of 
great  political  disturbances.  The  peasants,  op- 
pressed with  excessive  taxes  and  other  burdens, 
broke  out  in  a  general  insurrection.  They  falsely  ap- 
plied Luther's  doctrine  of  Christian  liberty  to  political 
and  social  life,  and  attempted  to  institute  a  sort  of 
communism.  They  formulated  their  demands  in 
twelve  articles,  which  they  endeavored  to  base  upon 
the  Scriptures.  But  even  when  these  demands  were 
granted  by  the  princes,  the  peasants  were  not  satisfied. 
Led  by  the  fanatical  preacher,  Thomas  Miinzer,  who 
considered  these  demands  far  too  moderate,  they  rioted 
in  all  manner  of  lawlessness.  Many  who  were  opposed 
to  the  insurrection  were  frightened  into  joining  the 
army  of  the  rebels.  Fire  and  devastation  were  spread 
everywhere,  and  thousands  were  cruelly  slain. 

By  many  the  blame  for  this  insurrection  was  laid 
upon  the  Reformation.  But  there  had  been  such  re- 
volts before  the  Reformation  was  begun,  and  the  peas- 
ants in  this  instance  merely  endeavored  to  use  the 
doctrines  of  the  reformers  to  shield  their  lawless  con- 
duct. The  reformers  took  a  decided  stand  against 
their  murderous  practices.  Luther  sympathized  with 
the  peasants  under  their  oppressions,  but  he  could 
have  no  sympathy  with  the  method  which   they  pur- 


THE    PEASANTS     WAR. 


77 


sued  to  obtain  redress  for  their  grievances.  He  pub- 
lished an  "  Exhortation  to  Peace  on  the  Twelve  Arti- 
cles of  the  Peasants  in  Swabia,"  earnestly  appealing 
to  the  consciences  of  princes  and  peasants.  But,  in- 
cited by  their  fanatical  leaders,  the  peasants  paid  no 
heed  to  his  exhortations,  and  continued  their  violent 


Thomas  Munzee. 


measures  till  they  Avere  completely  vanquished  by  the 
princes  at  the  battle  of  Frankhausen  and  reduced  to 
submission. 

Melanchthon  was  called  on  personally  to  give  his 
opinion  of  the  matter.  The  peasants  had  rebelled  in 
the  Palatinate  also.  On  the  eighteenth  of  May  the 
Elector  of  that  State  wrote  to  him  that  he  had  liitherto 
dealt  very  mildly  with   the  peasants,  and   i>roposed  to 


78  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

take  up  the  consideration  of  the  Twelve  Articles  in  the 
assembly  of  deputies,  which  was  to  convene  after  Pen- 
tecost; and  he  requested  Melanchthon,  as  one  "who 
had  been  born  and  raised  in  the  Palatinate,  who  was 
more  learned  and  experienced  in  the  Scriptures  than 
others,  and  who  was  well  known,  and,  doubtless,  in- 
clined to  peace  and  justice,  to  come  to  Heidelberg;  or, 
if  that  was  impossible,  to  send  his  opinion." 

Melanchthon  found  that  he  could  not  go  to  Heidel- 
berg; but  he  prepared  a  pamphlet  "  Against  the  Arti- 
cles of  the  Peasants."  This,  as  well  as  Luther's  second 
pamphlet  on  the  subject,  gave  offence  to  many.  Me- 
lanchthon was  called  a  court-theologian.  He  has  often, 
since  that  time,  been  severely  criticized  for  his  pam- 
phlet. Perhaps  his  verdict  was  needlessly  harsh.  But 
we  must  remember  that  it  was  given  at  a  time  when 
the  peasants  were  plunging  into  all  manner  of  lawless- 
ness and  perpetrating  fearful  atrocities.  They  had 
themselves  rendered  a  milder  verdict  impossible  from 
one  to  whom  all  disorder  was  an  abomination.  The 
peasants  had  said  that  they  would  submit  their  cause 
to  the  decision  of  God's  word.  Accordingly  Melanch- 
thon proceeded  to  explain  the  Scriptural  doctrines 
which  bore  on  the  question.  "  There  were  many,"  he 
said,  "  who  had,  no  doubt,  sinned  in  ignorance,  and 
who,  if  they  were  better  instructed,  would  forsake 
such  wicked  ways  and  have  regard  for  the  judgment 
of  God  and  their  own  souls."  He  referred  to  the 
thirteenth  Chapter  of  Romans  as  the  Christian's  guide 
in  these  matters,  and  argued  from  it  that  the  Gospel 
demands  obedience  to  the  government  and  forbids  re- 
bellion, even  when  rulers  do  evil.     He  insisted  on  the 


THE    PEASANTS     WAR. LUTHER's    MARRIAGE.  79 

maintenance  of  order;  l)ut,  at  the  same  time,  he  coun- 
selled the  princes  to  be  just  and  merciful  in  their  deal- 
ings with  their  subjects.  In  case,  however,  that  the 
peasants  cannot  be  prevailed  upon  to  put  an  end  to 
their  wicked  conduct,  then,  he  said,  they  are  to  be 
treated  as  murderers.  Wlien  the  insurrection  had 
been  subdued,  he  added  to  his  pamphlet  an  appendix, 
in  which  he  appealed  to  the  princes  to  exercise  clem- 
ency toward  their  conquered  subjects.  The  peasants, 
he  said,  had  already  suffered  severely  for  their  con- 
duct, and  "  many  of  them  had  sinned  through  fear  or 
folly." 

During  the  progress  of  the  peasants'  war,  the  Elec- 
tor Frederick  the  Wise  of  Saxony  died  very  peace- 
fully on  May  5,  1525.  Melanchthon  assisted  Luther 
at  the  funeral  services,  and  delivered  a  Latin  oration, 
in  which  he  dwelt  upon  the  excellent  character  of  the 
deceased  ruler  and  his  great  love  for  God's  word. 
The  death  of  this  prince  was  a  great  blow  to  Melanch- 
thon. He  liked  the  careful,  moderate,  prudent  con- 
duct of  this  elector.  But  when  John  the  Constant, 
the  brother  of  the  deceased  ruler,  took  charge  of  the 
government,  it  was  found  that  he  was  as  staunch  a 
supporter  of  the  Gospel  and  as  faithful  a  friend  to 
Luther  and  Melanchthon  as  his  predecessor  has  l)een. 

Li  the  midst  of  these  stirring  times,  in  the  month 
of  June,  1525,  Luther  surprised  Melanchthon  and 
everybody  else  by  his  marriage  with  Catherine  Von 
Bora.  This  marriage  between  Luther,  who  liad  bt-eii 
a  monk,  and  Miss  Von  Bora,  who  had  been  a  nun, 
created  an  immense  sensation.  Mchinchthon  thought 
that   the    step   itself  was   right   and  proper.     He   had 


80 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


long  before  this  defended  the  right  of  the  clergy  to 
marry.  But  he  feared  that  it  was  ill-ad\dsed  in  Luther 
to  take  the  step  at  that  particular  time.  He  feared 
that  it  would  detract  from  Luther's  influence  in  that 


Elector  John  the  Constant. 


troubled  period  when  his  influence  was  so  sorely 
needed.  Nevertheless,  he  stood  by  his  friend  faith- 
fully ;  and  whenever  Luther  afterwards  became  dis- 
heartened by  the  new  attacks  which  the  report  of  his 
marriage  brought  upon  him,  Melanchthon  encouraged 
him   to  the  best  of  his  ability.     When  the  wedding 


ORGANIZING    SCHOOLS.  81 

dinner  was  given  on  June  27th,  and  Liitlier  invited 
his  parents  and  friends,  Melanchtlion  was  present 
among  them,  and  added  to  the  mirth  of  the  festive 
occasion  hy  flashes  of  wit  and  merriment. 

Amid  all  the  distractions  and  anxieties  of  this  period, 
Melanchthon  steadily  directed  his  efforts  to  the  ad- 
vancement of  education  and  the  huildinir  np  of  "-ood 
Christian  schools.  During  a  period  covering  many 
years  he  found  time,  in  spite  of  his  numerous  other 
engagements,  to  give  elementary  instruction  to  a 
number  of  young  men  who  lived  with  him  in  his  own 
house.  He  did  this  on  account  of  the  lamentable  lack 
of  suitable  preparatory  schools.  He  lost  no  oppor- 
tunity, however,  to  provide  for  this  lack,  Avhe never  he 
found  it  possible  to  do  so.  In  the  spring  of  1525, 
■with  Luther's  help,  he  re-organized  the  schools  of 
Eisleben  and  Magdeburg.  In  the  fall  of  tht'  same 
year,  he  went  to  IN'uremberg  and  assisted  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  gymnasium*  in  tliatcity;  and  in  tlic  fol- 
lowing spring  he  returned  to  [N'uremberg  and  formally 
opened  the  school.  lie  delivered  an  address  in  Latin, 
in  which  he  dwelt  upon  the  importance  of  education, 
and  the  credit  which  the  movers  in  this  enterprise  de- 
served. He  declared  that  "  the  best  defences  of  a 
city  lie  in  the  culture,  wisdom  and  virtue  of  its  citi- 
zens;" and  that  '^  the  cause  of  true  education  is  the 
cause  of  God." 

Nuremberg,  at  this  time,  was  one  of  the  most  en- 
lightened and  prosperous  cities  of  Germany.  Ft  num- 
bered among  its  inhabitants  some  of  the  most  distin- 


*  A  high  school  or  college. 
6 


82  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

guishecl  intellects  of  the  age,  among  whom  were 
Willibald  Pirkheimer,  Jerome  Baumgiirtner,  Lazarus 
Spengler,  Jerome  Ebner  and  Caspar  ITutzel.  With 
all  of  these,  Melanchthon  stood  in  intimate  relations, 
and  with  Baumgiirtner  he  carried  on  a  life-long  cor- 
respondence. Among  his  other  friends  in  this  city 
was  the  distinguished  painter,  Albrecht  Diirer,  who 
during  this  visit  of  Melanchthon  painted  a  likeness  of 
him  which  is  considered  one  of  the  best  in  existence. 
After  spending  a  short  time  very  pleasantly  in  the 
company  of  these  friends,  Melanchthon  returned  to 
AVittenberg.  He  had  hardly  arrived  there  before  he 
was  attacked  by  a  severe  illness  from  which  his  friends 
feared  that  he  would  not  recover.  But  by  the  fall  of 
the  year  he  was  again  able  to  resume  his  duties. 

In  January  of  the  year  1526,  he  was  formally  ap- 
pointed as  a  professor  of  theology ;  and  his  salary  was 
raised  to  two  hundred  florins.  This  appointment  was 
made  much  against  his  will.  He  feared,  in  his  ex- 
treme modesty  and  conscientiousness,  that  he  would 
not  be  able,  with  his  delicate  health,  to  do  full  justice 
to  the  position.  But  Luther  urged  him  to  accept  it ; 
and,  fearing  that  liis  influence  might  not  be  altogether 
sufficient  to  prevail  upon  his  over-scrupulous  colleague, 
he  communicated  with  the  elector,  and  requested  him 
to  write  to  Melanchthon.  "  Your  Electoral  Grace,"  he 
says,  "  has  commanded  the  university  to  give  Magister 
Philip  two  hundred  florins  per  year.  Xow,  however, 
the  man  proposes  to  decline  it,  because,  he  says,  he  is 
not  able  to  read  lectures  regularly  and  without  inter- 
ruption. He  declares  that  he  cannot  with  a  good  con- 
science accept  it.     He  thinks  that  your  Electoral  Grace 


THE    SAXON    VISITATION.  83 

will  expect  the  impossible  from  him.  My  talking  and 
remonstrances  are  of  no  avail.  I  pray  your  Electoral 
Grace,  therefore,  kindly  explain  the  matter  to  him 
yourself,  and  make  him  understand  that  your  Grace  is 
satisfied  if  he  only  assists,  according  to  his  ability,  in 
the  theological  department,  just  as  he  has  done  hith- 
erto, whether  it  be  but  once  a  week  or  oftener." 
Finally  Melanchthon's  scruples  were  overcome,  and  he 
accepted  the  position  and  the  increase  of  salary.  Tlie 
latter  he  certainly  needed. 

In  the  year  1527,  Melanchthon  took  part  with 
Luther  in  the  visitation  of  the  schools  and  churches 
of  Saxony.  It  w^as  high  time  for  such  a  step.  Affairs 
were  in  a  w^retched  condition.  In  many  places  no  re- 
ligious instruction  was  given  at  all,  because  there  were 
either  no  pastors  and  teachers  stationed  there,  or  those 
who  were  stationed  there  w^ere  grossly  ignorant  them- 
selves. The  greatest  disorder  imaginable  reigned 
nearly  everywhere.  In  one  instance,  it  was  found 
that  in  one  congregation  the  pastor  preached  the  Gos- 
pel, but  that  in  another  part  of  his  parish  he  read  the 
Romish  mass.  The  financial  condition  of  many  of  the 
churches  w^as  equally  bad.  Many  of  the  legacies  on 
which  the  churches  depended  for  their  support  had 
been  withdrawn,  and  on  others  the  interest  was  w  itli- 
held.  It  was  the  object  of  the  visitation  to  l)riiig 
order  out  of  this  chaos.  Melanchthon  was  charged 
with  making  a  beginning  in  Thuringia.  The  spiritual 
distress  which  he  discovered  rent  his  heart,  and  hv 
often  went  aside  and  wept  over  what  he  saw. 

As  a  basis  for  the  re-organization  of  the  churches 
and    schools,  Melanchthon    was    commanded    by  the 


84  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

elector  to  prepare  an  "  Instruction  of  the  Visitors  to 
the  Clergy  of  Saxony."  This  work  was  to  contain  a 
statement  of  the  lines  on  which  that  re-organization 
was  to  be  effected.  To  prepare  such  a  work  was  by 
no  means  an  easy  task.  It  was  necessary  to  give  the 
distinctive  doctrines  of  the  evangelical  Church  in  a 
popular  form,  to  guard  them  against  misapprehension, 
and  to  give  prominence  to  that  which  was  practical 
and  edifying.  The  work  which  Melanchthon  Avas 
charged  with  preparing  was  to  be  the  guide  for  plac- 
ing all  the  churches  of  Saxony  on  an  evangelical  basis. 
Evangelical  truth  was  to  take  the  place  of  popish  tradi- 
tions; Scriptural  ceremonies  were  to  supersede  Romish 
abuses.  Yet  all  appearance  of  introducing  novel  or 
strange  doctrines  was  to  be  avoided.  It  was  a  work, 
therefore,  which  required  not  only  a  deep  insight 
into  the  essence  of  the  Gospel,  but  rare  tact  and  dis- 
cretion. Melanchthon,  however,  was  the  very  man 
for  the  occasion.  He  drew  up  a  work  which  was  ad- 
mirably adapted  to  its  purpose.  It  is  valuable  as  an 
expression  of  Melanchthon's  theological  views,  and 
shows  that  he  viewed  theology  largely  from  an  ethical 
standpoint. 

Pastors,  he  says,  are  not  only  to  preach  of  the  for- 
giveness of  sins,  but  also  of  the  need  of  repentance ; 
because  there  can  be  no  true  faith  and  no  real  forgive- 
ness of  sins  without  repentance.  They  are,  therefore, 
not  to  omit  the  preaching  of  the  Ten  Commandments. 
The  three  essentials  of  a  Christian  life,  he  declares, 
are  repentance,  faith,  and  good  works.  These  latter 
are  necessary.  God  does  not  bestow  grace  on  account 
of  them,  but  only  for  Christ's  sake.     Yet  the  Christian 


THE    SAXON    VISITATION.  85 

must  do  good  works,  because  God  has  commanded 
them.  He  also  corrects  some  misapprehensions  con- 
cerning the  meaning  of  Christian  Hberty,  and  states 
that  it  consists  of  "  freedom  from  the  power  of  the 
devil  and  the  wrath  of  God ;  •  freedom  from  the  cere- 
monial law  of  Moses ;  freedom  from  absolute  obedience 
to  human  regulations  in  the  Churcli."  He  urges  the 
preachers  to  seek  the  edification  of  their  hearers,  to 
refrain  from  abuse  of  persons,  and  to  condemn  the 
vices  and  sins  of  those  to  whom  they  preach.  They 
are  not  to  be  continually  declaiming  against  the  pope 
and  the  bishops,  but  to  preach  those  things  which  will 
conduce  to  a  true  Christian  spirit  and  life  in  their 
congregations.  He  also  added  a  chapter  on  the  im- 
provements to  be  made  in  the  schools. 

The  doctrinal  position  of  this  work  agreed  with 
Luther's  and  received  his  approval.  But  its  temper 
was  so  mild  and  conciliating,  and  it  was  worded  so 
moderately  in  comparison  with  Lather's  stormy  utter- 
ances, that  many  of  the  Roman  Catholics  imagined 
that  Melanchthon  was  tendinc:  toward  Romanism 
again.  They  even  made  overtures  to  him.  He  says 
in  a  letter  written  to  Camerarius  about  this  time,  that 
Faber,  the  court  preacher  of  King  Ferdinand  of  Bo- 
hemia, had  held  out  all  manner  of  promises  to  induce 
him  to  desert  the  Lutheran  cause. 

An  attack  was  made  upon  this  book  by  .John  Agri- 
cola,  rector  of  the  school  at  Eisleben.  He  had  liitlicrto 
been  a  friend  of  Melanchthon.  But  when  tliis  work 
appeared,  he  published  a  severe  criticism  of  it,  and 
maintained  that  to  teacli  tbat  n-pcntance  is  to  be 
brought  about  by  preaching  the   law,  is  unscriptural 


86  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

and  Romanizing.  He  raised  a  great  stir  by  his  writ- 
ings. The  elector,  therefore,  arranged  a  meeting  at 
Torgau  between  Agricola,  Melanchthon,  Luther,  and 
Bugenhagen,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
dispute.  Apparently,  Agricola  was  convinced  of  his 
error ;  but  ten  years  later  he  began  the  controversy 
anew,  and,  in  his  antinomian  zeal,  went  so  far  as  to  say 
that  "Moses  ous^ht  to  be  hano^ed  on  the  srallows." 

In  the  summer  of  1527,  on  account  of  the  plague 
which  had  broken  out  in  Wittenberg,  the  university 
was  removed  to  Jena.  It  was  to  that  city,  therefore, 
that  Melanchthon,  on  his  return  from  \asiting  the 
churches  in  Thuringia,  wended  his  way.  He  resumed 
his  labors  at  the  university  and  devoted  his  attention 
to  his  lectures  on  Demosthenes  and  the  proverbs  of 
Solomon,  and  to  the  investigation  of  many  ecclesiasti- 
cal questions  which  arose.  He  also  prepared  two  arti- 
cles against  the  Anabaptists,  in  which  he  defended  the 
practice  of  infant-baptism,  explained  the  meaning,  use, 
and  advantage  of  the  sacrament,  and  refuted  the  teach- 
ings of  the  Anabaptists  concerning  the  government 
and  community  of  goods.  In  October  of  the  year 
1528,  he  made  a  second  tour  of  visitation  through 
parts  of  Thuringia. 


THE  SECOND  DIET  OF  SPEYER. 1529.       87 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE  SECOND  DIET  OF   SPEYER.       THE    MARBURG   COLLOQUY. 

1529. 

WHILE  Melanchtlion  and  others  were  busy 
with  the  visitation  and  re-organization  of 
the  churches  in  Saxony,  a  great  peril 
seemed  to  threaten  the  evangeUcal  cause.  It  was 
rumored  that  a  league  of  Roman  Catholic  princes  had 
been  formed  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  the  Luther- 
ans. Philip  of  Hesse  declared  that  he  himself  had  ob- 
tained from  Otto  von  Pack,  counsellor  of  Duke  George 
of  Saxony,  a  copy  of  a  document,  sealed  with  the 
ducal  seal,  which  plainly  stated  that  the  Landgrave  of 
Hesse  and  the  Elector  of  Saxony  were  to  be  attacked 
and  deprived  of  their  dominions,  if  they  did  not  re- 
nounce their  heresies.  He  pictured  the  consequences 
of  such  a  league  so  graphically,  that  the  elector,  who 
was  generally  cautious  and  conservative,  consented  to 
a  counter-leao^ue  with  him.  In  accordance  with  this 
agreement,  an  army  of  twenty-six  thousand  men  was 
immediately  to  be  placed  in  the  field.  The  landgrave 
was  in  fav^or  of  beginning  operations  at  once.  He 
actually  led  his  army  to  the  frontier.  But  the  elector 
began  to  have  scruples  about  the  propriety  and  justice 
of  such  a  war,  and  decided  to  seek  the  advice  of  his 
theologians.  These  replied  that,  whether  the  report 
of  a  Roman  Catholic  league  was  true  or  untrue,  in 
neither  case  would  the  elector  be  justifitMl  in  begin- 


88  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON.  ; 

ning  warlike  operations.  They  advised  him  to  lay 
the  whole  matter  before  the  emperor,  and  rather  to 
break  ^^dth  Philip  of  Hesse  than  to  wage  an  unjust 
war. 

Melanchthon  concurred  in  the  opinion  of  the  other 
theologians.  He  also  wrote  a  special  letter  to  the 
elector,  in  which  he  said :  "  In  times  of  affliction  it  is 
certainly  the  greatest  comfort  to  have  a  good  con- 
science and  to  know  that  Grod  is  our  friend.  But  if 
we  should  grasp  the  sword  and  begin  war  with  an  evil 
conscience,  then  would  we  lose  this  comfort."  The 
elector  himself  agreed  with  these  opinions,  but  the 
landgrave  was  not  satisfied.  Writing  to  his  father-in- 
law,  Duke  George,  he  demanded  to  know  whether,  or 
not,  the  duke  was  willing  to  sever  his  connection  with 
the  Roman  Catholic  league  and  keep  the  peace.  To 
his  astonishment,  the  duke  replied,  that  there  was  no 
such  league  in  existence ;  that  the  report  was  false ; 
and  that  the  document  which  the  landgrave  had  seen 
was  a  forgery  of  the  deepest  dye.  To  this  day,  the 
existence  or  non-existence  of  such  a  league  is  an  open 
question.  The  evangelical  party  was  not  fully  inclined 
to  believe  the  declaration  of  Duke  George,  but  the 
warlike  preparations  ceased. 

With  the  relations  between  them  thus  strained,  the 
princes  of  the  realm  assembled  for  the  Imperial  Diet  at 
Speyer  in  the  year  1529.  Melanchthon  accompanied 
the  elector.  At  a  previous  diet,  held  in  the  same  city 
in  1526,  it  had  been  decided,  that  "  a  universal,  or  at 
the  least  a  national,  free  council  should  be  convoked 
within  a  year,  that  they  should  request  the  emperor  to 
return  speedily  to  Germany ;  and  that  until  then  each 


THE    SECOND    DIET    OF    SPEYER. 1529.  89 

state  should  behave  in  its  own  territory  in  such  ii  man- 
ner as  to  he  able  to  render  an  account  to  God  and  the 
emperor."  That  decree  had  left  the  Reformation  com- 
paratively free  to  continue  its  progress.  But  at  the 
second  Diet  of  Speyer,  now  held,  all  this  was  chanc^ed. 
It  was  a  diet  in  which  the  Roman  Catholic  princes 
manifested  more  open  hostility  toward  tlie  evangelical 
party  than  ever  before.  They  were  angry  with  them- 
selves for  adopting  the  resolution  of  the  year  1526; 
and  they  were  highly  gratified,  therefore,  when,  at  the 
opening  of  this  present  diet,  the  emperor  declared  that, 
by  virtue  of  the  imperial  power  vested  in  him,  he  an- 
nulled the  resolution  of  the  previous  diet.  A  new  de- 
cree was  passed,  which  insisted  on  the  enforcement  of 
the  edict  of  Worms.  As  this  edict  had  placed  Luther 
and  his  adherents  under  the  ban,  its  re-enactment 
filled  the  evangelical  party  with  apprehension. 

Melanchthon's  soul  was  heavy  with  grief  and  fore- 
bodings. His  natural  disposition  inclined  him  rather 
to  magnify  than  to  make  light  of  difficulties  and  dan- 
gers. He  did  not  possess  the  gigantic  faith  of  Luther, 
which  was  content  to  entrust  the  Church  to  the  care 
of  God.  Consequently,  the  proceedings  of  the  diet 
filled  him  with  dismay.  He  trembled  for  the  security 
of  the  evangelical  cause.  Perhaps  the  excessive  anxiety 
which  took  possession  of  him  may  account  for  the 
unjust  censure  w^hich  he  passed  upon  the  conduct  of 
the  Lutheran  princes  in  this  diet.  Tie  vainly  imagined 
that  the  Roman  Catholics  would  not  have  passed  the 
obnoxious  decree  at  all,  or  would  have  annulled  it 
ao-ain,  if  some  ininor  and  unessential  i)()ints  liad  Ix-eii 
conceded  to  them.     But  he  credited  the  Roman  Catlio- 


90  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

lies  with  good  intentions  which  they  never  possessed. 
They  were  bent  on  crushing  out  the  Reformation. 
The  princes  judged  far  more  correctly  than  he  of  the 
temper  and  spirit  of  their  foes,  and  of  the  course 
which  had  to  be  pursued  in  dealing  with  them.  Yet 
it  must  be  said  to  Melanchthon's  credit,  that  after  the 
decree  of  the  diet  was  passed,  he  was  as  much  opposed 
as  any  one  to  yielding  obedience  to  its  unholy  demands ; 
and  that  he  advised,  as  a  last  resort,  the  presentation 
of  a  formal  protest  against  the  resolution  of  the  diet. 

Accordingly,  on  April  15,  1529,  the  Lutherans  pre- 
sented their  celebrated  Protest  and  Appeal.  Those 
who  signed  it,  and  thus  became  the  first  to  bear  the 
name  of  Protestants,  were  the  Elector  John  of  Saxony, 
the  Elector  George  of  Brandenburg,  the  Dukes  Ernest 
and  Francis  of  Luneburg,  the  Landgrave  Philip  of 
Hesse,  Wolfgang,  Prince  of  Anhalt,  and  the  representa- 
tives of  fourteen  imperial  cities. 

On  the  sixth  of  May  Melanchthon  arrived  again  at 
Wittenberg.  Both  he  and  Luther  expected  that  a  re- 
ligious war  would  follow.  Melanchthon  was  so  trou- 
bled at  the  prospect  that  Luther  wrote  :  "  Philip  wor- 
ries himself  so  much  about  the  Church  and  the  gene- 
ral welfare,  that  he  is  injuring  his  health."  To  these 
public  sorrows,  which  weighed  him  down,  were  added, 
also,  private  griefs.  In  July  of  this  year  his  mother 
died;  in  August  his  little  son,  George. 

While  the  Protestant  camp  was  thus  seriously 
threatened  by  the  Roman  Catholics  from  without,  it 
was  hampered  by  dissensions  within.  The  Reformed 
party,  led  by  Zwingli  of  Switzerland,  diflered  from  the 
Lutherans  on  a  number  of  points,  but  particularly  on 


THE    SECOND    DIET    OF    SPEYER. 1529. 


91 


the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  This  divergence 
of  views  had  led  to  violent  controversies  between  them. 
Luther,  and  with  him  Melanchthon,  maintained  that 
they  must  abide  by  the  plain  words  of  Christ,  "  Tliis 


Wolfgang,  Prince  of  Anhalt. 

is  my  body;  tliis  is  my  blood."  They  held,  therefore, 
that  Christ  is  really  present  in  tlie  Lord's  Supper. 
Zw^ngli,  on  the  other  hand,  denied  the  real  presence. 
He   maintained  that  when   Christ  said,  "  Tljis  is   my 


92  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

body,"  He  meant,  ''  This  signifies  my  body."  He 
claimed  that  Christ's  body  could  not  be  present  at  so 
many  different  places  at  the  same  time.  This  was  not 
only  a  limitation  of  divine  power,  but  a  denial  of  the 
participation  of  Christ's  glorified  body  in  the  attri- 
butes of  his  divinity. 

Philip  of  Hesse  was  greatly  concerned  about  this 
disagreement.  He  thought  that  the  political  situation 
imperatively  demanded  a  union  between  the  Lutherans 
and  the  Reformed.  He  therefore  planned  the  holding 
of  a  conference,  in  which  the  differences  should  be 
discussed  and  an  agreement,  if  possible,  be  reached. 
I^either  Luther  nor  Melanchthon  believed  that  such  a 
conference  would  secure  the  desired  result.  But  the 
landgrave  persisted  in  his  project.  Finally,  in  October, 
1529,  a  Colloquy  was  held  at  Marburg.  On  the  one 
side  were  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Jonas,  Brenz,  and 
Osiander ;  on  the  other,  Zwingli,  (Ecolampadius,  Bu- 
cer,  and  Hedio.  After  a  discussion  lasting  several 
days,  the  Zwinglians  accepted  the  Lutheran  view  in 
everything  but  the  Lord's  Supper.  On  this  they  would 
not  yield.  It  was  agreed,  however,  that  for  the  sake 
of  peace,  all  parties  should  refrain  in  the  future  from 
controversies  on  the  point  on  which  they  had  failed  to 
unite.  Fifteen  articles,  prepared  by  the  Lutherans, 
were  then  produced,  and  all  were  subscribed  by  the 
Zwinglians  except  the  last,  which  maintained  the  real 
presence  of  Christ  in  the  Lord's  Supper. 

The  Zwinglians  now  wanted  to  be  acknowledged  by 
the  Lutherans  as  brethren.  But  as  long  as  they  main- 
tained their  erroneous  view  of  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Body  and  Blood  of  Christ,  and  refused  to  subordinate 


THE    MARBURG    COLLOQUY. 


93 


their  reason  to  the  plain  word  of  Scripture,  Lutlier  tclt 
that  lie  could  not  do  so.  lie  told  them,  "  Ye  have  a 
different  spirit  from  ours."     Luther  has  been  severely 


censured  by  many  for  this  refusal.  Uut  he  could  noL 
do  otherwise.  If  he  had  accepted  the  i»roffcrcd  hand 
of  fellowship,  it  would  have  been  an  acknowledgment 
on  his  part  that  he  regarded  the  diti'erence  of  views 


94  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

between  them  as  unessential.  But  he  could  not  make 
such  an  acknowledgment.  There  was  not  only  a  dif- 
ference of  doctrine  but  a  difference  of  spirit  between 
the  two  reformers.  Luther  unconditionally  accepted 
the  plain  text  of  Scripture ;  Zwingli  refused  to  accept 
what  he  could  not  understand.  ]N^o  one,  we  think,  will 
claim  that  Melanchthon  was  polemically  inclined  or 
was  unwilling  to  make  concessions  for  the  sake  of 
peace.  He  has  been  blamed,  and  justly  too,  for  yield- 
ing too  much.  But  even  Melanchthon,  mild  and 
peace-loving  as  he  was,  could  not  consent,  any  more 
than  Luther,  to  accept  the  hand  of  fellowship  and 
brotherhood  with  the  Zwinglians.  He  saw  that  vast 
perils  threatened  the  pure  truth  of  God's  Word  if  the 
Zwinglian  method  of  interpretation  prevailed.  He 
Avrote  to  a  friend  concerning  the  Zwinglians  at  this 
Colloquy :  ''  They  seemed  to  be  more  trifling  even 
than  they  had  been  before  this  conference.  They  con- 
tended very  strongly  that  we  should  call  them  breth- 
ren. But  look  at  their  stupidity ;  while  they  condemn 
us,  they  yet  desire  to  be  considered  by  us  as  brethren. 
We  cannot  give  our  consent  to  this." 


CHAPTER   XIL 

THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG.       1530. 

^  J  f  HE  year  1530  was,  unquestionably,  one  of  the 
most  important  in  the  history  of  the  Refor- 
mation.    It  was  also  a  momentous  one  in  the 

hfe  of  Melanchthon.     In  the  public  negotiations  and 


I 


THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG. 1530. 


95 


transactions  of  that  year,  no  one  took  a  more  impor- 
tant part  than  he. 

The  Emperor  Charles  Y.  had  defeated  the  Turks, 


Charles  V. 


made  peace  with  King  Francis  of  France,  and  become 
reconciled  with  the  pope.  ITe  hadleisiire  now  to  .i^ive 
his   attention  to  the   relidous   dithculties  which   dis- 


96  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

turbed  his  realm.  Accordingly^  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1530,  he  summoned  a  diet  to  meet  on  April 
8th,  at  Augsburg.  In  his  proclamation,  he  jDromised 
to  give  an  impartial  hearing  to  both  sides  in  the  con- 
troversy, so  that  a  just  decision  might  be  reached. 
But  the  recollection  of  the  action  of  the  diet  of  Speyer 
of  the  previous  year,  and  expressions  which  the  em- 
peror had  made  since  that  time,  caused  many  of  the 
Lutherans  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  his  peaceful  dec- 
larations. Some  of  them  even  considered  it  danger- 
ous to  attend  the  diet,  and  spoke  of  resorting  to  arms. 
But  better  counsel  finally  prevailed,  and  they  resolved 
to  attend. 

On  March  the  14th,  the  Elector  John  of  Saxony  di- 
rected Luther,  Melanchthon,  Jonas,  and  Bugenhagen, 
to  prepare,  for  presentation  at  the  diet,  a  statement 
of  the  doctrines  and  ceremonies  in  dispute.  By  March 
21st,  the  first  three  of  these  theologians  were  to  bring 
their  statement  to  Torgau  and  be  ready  to  accompany 
the  elector  to  Augsburg.  The  time  allotted  for  the 
preparation  of  this  important  document  was  exceed- 
ingly brief  But  fortunately  there  were  on  hand  some 
articles  which  were  adapted  to  the  purpose.  At  Mar- 
burg fifteen  articles  had  been  drawn  up  by  Luther  to 
eficct  an  agreement  with  the  Zwinglians ;  and  on  the 
basis  of  these,  Luther,  with  the  assistance  of  the  other 
theologians,  had  prepared  the  seventeen  articles  of 
Schwabach.  These  were  now  revised  to  express  the 
doctrinal  position  of  the  reformers ;  and  special  arti- 
cles on  the  abuses  prevailing  in  the  Eoman  Catholic 
Church  were  drawn  up.  The  latter,  now  known  as 
the  Torgau  Articles  proper,  together  with  the  revised 


THE    DIET    OF    AUGSBURG. 1530. 


97 


Articles  of  Schwabach,  were  thoii  taken  to  T(»r<i:aii  and 
laid  before  the  elector.  ITe  was  ])l('as(Ml  with  tliem, 
and  directed  Melanchtliou  to  give  them  a  linislied 
form,  and  write  an  introdnction  to  them. 

These  preparations  having  been  made,  the  elector, 


COBURG. 

his  theolosrians,  and  a  retinue  of  one  hnndred  and  sixtv 
horsemen,  set  out  on  April  3d,  for  the  city  of  Augs- 
burg. They  trawled  leisurely  by  way  of  Kisenaeli 
and  Weimar  till  they  arri\ed  at  Cohurg.  irt-rt',  in 
the  castle  of  the  Duke  of  C'oburg,  mar  the  boundary 
of  the  elector's  dominions,  Luther  was  let't  behind.  It 
was  misafe  for  him  t(^  travel   farther.      Tie    was   still 

7 


98  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

resting  under  the  papal  excommunication  and  the  im- 
perial ban.  In  the  elector's  dominions,  and  surrounded 
by  his  friends,  he  was  comparatively  safe.  But  if  he 
had  ventured  to  appear  in  Augsburg,  he  would  cer- 
tainly have  been  seized  or  assassinated.  An  imperial 
safe-conduct  was  denied  him  :  and,  much  as  his  heart 
yearned  to  go,  he  had  to  remain  behind.  Upon  Me- 
lanchthon,  therefore,  devolved  the  duty  of  taking,  as 
far  as  possible,  Luther's  place  in  the  diet,  and  becoming 
the  chief  representative  of  the  the  Lutheran  cause. 

On  the  second  of  May  the  electoral  party  arrived  in 
Augsburg.  During  the  journey  Melanchthon  had 
employed  his  spare  time  in  the  preparation  of  the 
Confession  which  was  to  be  presented  at  the  diet. 
AVhen,  on  his  arrival,  he  found  the  emperor  and  many 
of  the  princes  still  absent,  he  contiimed  to  devote 
himself  assiduously  to  this  difficult  undertaking.  To 
Luther  belonged  the  substance  of  the  Confession,  but. 
to  Melanchthon  we  are  indebted  for  its  perfect  form. 
Careful  in  his  style,  appreciating  the  necessity  of  se- 
lecting the  proper  words  in  a  document  so  important, 
and  gifted  with  a  wonderful  power  of  clear  and  exact 
expression,  no  more  suitable  person  could  have  been 
found  for  that  work  than  Melanchthon.  On  May  11th, 
he  had  the  Confession  completed  and  ready  for  presen- 
tation. A  messenger  was  dispatched  with  it  to  Co- 
burg  for  Luther's  examination  and  approval.  Luther 
replied ;  "  I  have  read  the  Apology  (Confession)  of 
Magister  Philip.  I  am  well  pleased  with  it,  and  I  find 
nothing  to  improve  or  alter  in  it;  neither  would  it  do 
for  me  to  attempt  it,  because  I  cannot  tread  so  softly 
and  gently.     May  Christ  our  Lord  help  that  it  may 


THE    DIET    OF    AUGSBURG. 1530.  99 

bring  forth  much  and  great  fruit,  as  we  hope  and 
pray.     Amen." 

Inasmuch,  however,  as  the  emperor  still  delayed  his 
coming,  Melanchthon  continued  his  work  of  revision 
and  endeavored  to  give  the  Confession  a  still  more  per- 
fect form.  The  pains  which  he  took  with  this  task  were 
extraordinary.  He  dreaded  lest  in  so  critical  a  docu- 
ment, he  might,  by  some  incautious  statement  or  some 
lack  of  precision,  be  to  blame  for  very  evil  conse- 
quences. He  thought  that  he  could  not  be  conscien- 
tious or  scrupulous  enough.  Every  word  of  the  Ger- 
man and  Latin  text,  he  felt,  must  be  carefully  weighed 
before  it  was  employed.  Often  his  anxiety  deprived 
him  of  sleep  at  night;  and  often,  with  tears  in  his 
eyes,  he  complained  to  his  friends  of  the  heavy  bur- 
den resting  upon  him.  By  May  22d,  tlie  Confession 
had  assumed  a  new  form,  and  was  a2:ain  sent  to 
Luther.  Still  this  conscientious  servant  of  God  was 
not  satisfied.  He  continued  to  toil  at  his  task  of  re- 
vision and  improvement;  and  a  third  time,  in  its  final 
form,  the  Confession  was  sent  to  Coburg  for  Luther's 
approval. 

While  Melanchthon  was  busily  engaged  in  tliis 
work,  he  was  greatly  in  demand  on  otlier  accounts. 
It  was  necessary,  under  existing  circumstances,  to  de- 
cide beforehand  how  the  Lutherans  ought  to  conduct 
themselves,  should  the  emperor  see  fit  to  make  of  tin* 
Lutherans  various  demands  of  a  religious  natiiro. 
Tlius,  for  instance,  a  command  came  from  the  emperor 
prohibiting  the  Lutlierans  from  preaching  in  Augs- 
buro;,  until  the  relii^ious  difficulties  had  been  settk'd. 
The  elector  immediately  sou<dit  Melanchthon's  advice. 


100  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

Melanchthon  replied  that,  inasmuch  as  they  were  the 
emperor's  guests  in  Augshurg,  they  ought  to  obey. 
With  this  opinion  Luther  himself  agreed.  But  the 
elector  and  the  Saxon  chancellor,  Brueck,  could  hardly 
be  prevailed  upon  to  yield.  They  protested  to  the  em- 
peror against  the  injunction.  Finally  an  agreement 
was  reached,  in  accordance  with  which  no  one  what- 
ever was  to  preach  in  Augsburg  except  by  appoint- 
ment of  the  emperor. 

Melanchthon  was  greatly  disturbed  during  this  time 
by  the  conduct  of  the  Landgrave  Philip  of  Hesse. 
This  fiery  and  impetuous  prince,  while  he  Avas  ready 
to  sign  the  Confession,  was  also  exceedingly  anxious 
that  the  Zwinglians,  who  were  present  at  Augsburg, 
should  be  recognized  as  brethren.  To  this  Melanch- 
thon was  not  willing  to  agree.  But  the  landgrave, 
greatly  to  Melanchthon's  discomfort,  persisted  in  his 
efforts.  The  latter  found  it  necessary,  therefore,  to 
write  to  Luther  and  request  him  to  communicate  with 
the  landgrave  upon  the  subject. 

It  was  not  till  June  15th,  that  the  emperor,  accom- 
panied by  his  brother.  King  Ferdinand,  the  papal 
legate  Cardinal  Campegius,  and  a  brilliant  train  of 
soldiers  and  courtiers,  arrived  at  Augsburg.  Almost 
immediately  upon  his  arrival,  the  Lutherans  were 
obliged  to  take  a  determined  stand  in  opposition  to 
his  wishes.  They  refused,  as  a  matter  of  conscience, 
to  take  part  in  the  procession  of  the  festival  of  Corpus 
Christi  which  occurred  on  the  followins^  dav. 

The  diet  was  formally  opened  June  20th,  and  an- 
nouncement was  made  of  the  matters  to  be  acted  upon. 
These  were  the  war  with  the  Turks,  and  the  religious 


THE    DIET    OF    AU(J.SIJUR(J. 1580.  101 

dissensions  of  the  empire.  The  emperor  declared  that 
if  the  edict  of  Worms  liad  l)een  ()l)served,  the  reli- 
gious difficulties  of  the  realm  would  not  have  assumed 
such  large  proportions;  but  that,  nevertheless,  the 
questions  at  issue  should  now  receive  careful  consid- 
eration. This  language  of  the  emperor  was  not  ex- 
actly of  the  kind  to  inspire  the  Lutherans  with  the 
hope  of  a  favorable  outcome  of  the  diet.  Yet  it  w^as 
mild  in  comparison  with  the  utterances  of  many  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  princes.  Melanchthon  was  filled  with 
forebodings,  and  felt  constrained  to  make  every  eftbrt 
for  tlie  maintenance  of  peace.  Unfortunately,  he  per- 
mitted himself  to  l)e  drawn  into  negotiations  which 
have  not  redounded  to  his  credit. 

Immediately  after  the  emperor's  arrival,  Alplionsius 
AValdesius  or  Yaldez,  a  secretary  to  the  emperor,  en- 
tered into  communication  w^ith  Melanchthon,  and,  in 
accordance  with  a  preconcerted  plan  of  the  Komanists, 
represented  to  him  that  the  emperor's  conception  of 
the  Lutheran  doctrines  w^as  entirely  wrong,  and  that, 
if  his  Imperial  Majesty  were  properly  enlightened,  a 
settlement  of  the  pending  difficulties  could  be  easily 
effected.  He  declared  that  in  Spain  it  was  supposed 
that  the  Lutherans  denied  the  existence  of  God  and 
the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  that  the  best  ser- 
vice which  could  be  rendered  to  God  was  to  kill  tliem. 
He  asked  what  the  Lutherans  really  taught.  Me- 
lanchthon replied  that  there  wxtc  only  a  few  questions 
after  all  on  which  the  two  parties  actually  ditllnd, 
namely,  the  use  of  both  forms  in  the  sacrament,  tin- 
marriage  of  priests,  and  the  celebration  of  thr  mass. 
If  these  questions  were  satisfactorily  settled,  the  others, 


102  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

he  claimed,  could  be  readily  adjusted.  Shortly  after- 
ward Yaldez  informed  him  that  the  subject  had  been 
well  received  by  the  emperor,  and  that  Melanchthon 
was  requested  by  his  Imperial  Majesty  to  draw  up  a 
brief  statement  of  the  articles  in  question  and  trans- 
mit them  privately,  because  it  would  be  well  to  avoid 
public  stir  or  controversy.  *  But  the  elector  heard  of 
the  matter,  and  put  a  stop  to  it.  The  articles  re- 
quested were  never  prepared.  All  that  Melanchthon 
was  allowed  to  do  was  to  show  to  Yaldez  the  Confes- 
sion which  had  been  drawn  up  for  public  presenta- 
tion. But  this  was  not  what  the  imperial  secretary 
wanted;  and  after  he  had  read  it,  he  declared  that  "  it 
contained  more  bitterness  than  its  adversaries  would 
consent  to  endure." 

When  it  had  thus  become  apparent  that  the  Luth- 
erans would  not  consent  to  have  their  cause  disposed 
of  in  this  underhand  way,  the  emperor  suddenly,  on 
June  22d,  commanded  the  elector  and  his  allies  to  be 
ready  on  Friday,  June  24th,  for  the  reading  of  their 
Confession  of  Faith.  This  sudden  action  considerably 
embarrassed  the  Lutherans.  Melanchthon  had  been 
prevented,  by  the  negotiations  with  Yaldez,  from  fully 
completing  his  work  upon  the  Confession.  No  copies 
of  it  had  as  yet  been  made  and  no  introduction 
written.  The  Lutherans  requested  a  day's  delay,  but 
their  request  was  denied.  Li  great  haste,  therefore, 
with  the  aid  of  Chancellor  Brueck,  a  suitable  intro- 
duction was  prepared  and  the  German  text  trans- 
scribed.  But  the  transcription  of  the  Latin  text  was 
not  completed  in  time,  and  Melanchthon's  own  manu- 
script had  to  be  used.     Nine  princes  and  cities  signed 


THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG. 1530.        103 

the  Confession.  Some  of  the  Roman  Catholics  feared 
the  effect  which  tlie  puhlic  reading  of  the  Confession 
might  produce  upon  the  minds  of  those  who  heard  it. 
They  endeavored,  therefore,  at  the  last  moment,  to 
prevent  it  from  being  read,  and  said  it  would  be  suffi- 
cient if  the  Confession  were  simply  presented  to  the 
emperor.  But  the  Protestants  insisted  that  their 
honor  was  at  stake,  that  they  had  been  publicly  ac- 
cused and  must  publicly  answer.  The  voice  of  the 
truth  was  not  to  be  stifled  bv  its  enemies.  The  Con- 
fession  was  read.  But  owing  to  the  lateness  of  the 
hour,  its  reading  was  postponed  until  the  next  day 
after  the  one  which  had  been  at  iirst  appointed  for  the 
purpose.  The  emperor  commanded  it  to  be  read  in 
Latin ;  but  the  Lutherans  maintained  that,  on  German 
soil,  it  should  be  read  in  the  German  language.  And 
they  prevailed. 

Accordingly,  on  June  25,  1530,  a  day  that  shall  re- 
main memorable  as  long  as  time  endures.  Chancellor 
Bayer  read  that  noble  document,  tlie  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, in  a  voice  so  loud  and  clear  that  it  was  dis- 
tinctly heard,  not  only  in  the  hall  where  the  illustrious 
assemblage  of  princes  was  gathered,  but  beyond  it,  in 
the  court,  where  a  vast  multitude  was  standing  in 
eager  expectation.  With  a  calm  dignity  inspired  l)y 
the  consciousness  of  tho-  rectitude  of  their  cause,  the 
Lutheran  princes  and  delegates  listened  to  tlie  reading 
of  their  "  good  confession  before  many  witnesses." 
Well  (lid  Spalatin  say,  ''  One  of  tlie  greatest  deeds 
ever  done  in  the  world  has  been  done  tliis  day,"  and 
Dr.  Brueck  declare,  as  he  presented  the  Confession, 
"  With  the  help  of  God  and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 


104 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


« 
P 

CG 

o 
p 

o 

tq 

M 
P. 


THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG. 1530.         105 

this  confession  shall  romaiu  invincible  against  the 
gates  of  hell,  to  eternity."  Many  of  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic princes  and  priests  learned  for  the  first  time,  from 
the  hearing  of  this  confession,  what  the  Lutherans 
really  taught,  and  formed  a  juster  conception  of  the 
evangelical  cause.  The  bishop  of  Augsburg  declared 
to  his  friends,  "  What  has  here  been  read  is  the  pure 
and  unadulterated  truth;  we  cannot  gainsay  it." 

The  character  of  the  Aui>:sl)uro:  Confession  could 
not  well  have  been  better  adapted  to  the  occasion  and 
purpose  of  its  presentation.  It  was  plain,  simple, 
clear,  scriptural,  and  firm  but  irenical  in  tone.  It  was 
meant  to  allay  controversy  and  disputation;  to  obtain, 
if  possible,  a  favorable  hearing  for  the  truth  ;  and  to 
put  the  Lutherans  in  the  right  light  before  the  em- 
peror and  the  diet.  There  was  no  man  living  whose 
character  and  talents  fitted  him  so  well  for  its  prepara- 
tion as  Melanchthon.  Richly  gifted  with  the  faculties 
of  clear  thought  and  exact  expression,  he  presented 
the  doctrines  of  the  Lutheran  Church  so  plaiidy  and 
distinctly  that  a  misconception  of  them  was  ahnost 
impossible.  Peace-loving  by  nature,  and  dreading  ilir 
consequences  of  a  rupture  with  the  emperor,  he  framed 
the  wordino;  of  the  Confession  so  mildly  that,  if  a 
favorable  reception  of  the  evangelical  doctrines  had 
been  attainable  at  all,  it  would  certainly  have  Ijcen  ac- 
corded to  this  presentation  of  them.  If  Melanchthon 
had  done  nothing  else  but  write  tlie  incomparable 
Augsburg  Confession,  he  would  richly  deserve  to  be 
held  in  grateful  remembrance  and  lasting  renown  l>y 
every  lover  of  the  truth. 

The  Augsburg  Confession   consisted  of  two  prinei- 


106  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

pal  parts  or  divisions :  the  first  contained  twenty-one 
doctrinal  articles;  the  second,  seven  articles  on  the 
abuses  which  were  to  be  condemned.  The  subjects 
treated  in  the  first  part  are  :  1,  Of  God ;  2,  Of  Original 
Sin;  3,  Of  the  Son  of  God  and  the  Holy  Spirit;  4,  Of 
Justification;  5,  Of  the  Ministry  of  the  Church;  6,  Of 
Xew  Obedience;  7,  Of  the  Church;  8,  What  the 
Church  is;  9,  Of  Baptism;  10,  Of  the  Lord's  Supper; 
11,  Of  Confession ;  12,  Of  Repentance ;  13,  Of  the  Use 
of  Sacraments;  14,  Of  Ecclesiastical  Orders;  15,  Of 
Ecclesiastical  Rites;  16,  Of  Civil  Affairs;  17,  Of 
Christ's  Return  to  Judgment;  18,  Of  Free  Will;  19, 
Of  the  Cause  of  Sin;  20,  Of  Good  Works;  21,  Of  the 
Worship  of  Saints.  The  articles  of  the  second  part 
are  as  follows :  22,  Of  Both  Kinds  in  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per; 23,  Of  the  Marriage  of  Priests;  24,  Of  the  Mass; 
25,  Of  Confession ;  26,  Of  the  Distinctions  of  Meats 
and  of  Traditions;  27,  Of  Monastic  Vows;  28,  Of 
Ecclesiastical  Power. 

What  impression  the  reading  of  the  Confession  pro- 
duced upon  the  emperor,  it  is  difiicult  to  determine. 
According  to  some  reports,  he  listened  with  apparent 
indifterence,  either  because  he  did  not  understand 
German  sufficiently,  or  because  he  had  already  made 
up  his  mind  what  course  to  pursue.  But  when  the 
reading  was  finished  and  Chancellor  Brueck  was  about 
to  present  to  the  imperial  secretaries  the  German  and 
Latin  text  of  the  Confession,  the  emperor  graciously 
extended  his  hand  to  receive  them,  delivered  the  Ger- 
man copy  to  the  Archbishop  of  Mayence  for  preserva- 
tion in  the  imperial  archives,  and  kept  the  Latin  copy 
for  himself.     Subsequently,  he  had  his  copy  translated 


THE    DIET     OF    AUGSBURG. 1580. 


107 


into  Italian  and  Spanish.  In  liis  reply  to  the  Luth- 
erans, he  said  that  he  would  delihorate  further  upon 
this  important  matter,  and  expected  of  them  that  they 
would  not  print  their  Confession.  But  iuasmuch  as, 
in  a  very  short  time,  defective  copies  of  it  hecame  cir- 


Chancellor  Gregor  V.  Brteck. 

culated,  and  no  less  than  seven  ditii^-rent  fauhy  edi- 
tions surreptitiously  made  their  appearance  in  print, 
Melanchthon  published  an  authorized  edition  of  the 
Augsburg  Confession  in  German  and  Latin,  while  the 
diet  was  yet  in  session. 

The   emperor  now  took  counsel  with   the   heads  of 


108  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

the  papal  party.  The  most  moderate  among  them  ad- 
vised him  to  have  the  Confession  examined  by  impar- 
tial men.  Others  urged  the  immediate  enforcement 
of  the  edict  of  Worms.  A  third  party  demanded  a 
written  confutation  of  the  Lutheran  Confession.  The 
counsel  of  these  last  was  adopted ;  and  a  number  of 
zealous  Roman  Catholic  theologians  were  appointed 
by  the  emperor  to  draw  up  such  a  confutation.  The 
Lutherans  were  asked  w^hether  they  would  rest  their 
case  with  the  articles  already  presented,  or  whether 
they  had  any  others  which  they  desired  to  submit. 
They  replied,  July  10th,  that  there  did,  indeed,  re- 
main many  other  errors  and  abuses  which  deserved 
censure,  but  they  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  present 
these  separately ;  for  the  condemnation  of  the  remain- 
ing abuses  was  involved  in  that  of  those  already  pre- 
sented, because  all  were  the  outgrowth  of  similar 
causes. 

For  six  weeks  the  Roman  Catholics  labored  at  the 
preparation  of  their  confutation.  In  the  meantime 
Melanchthon  was  in  a  very  troubled  state  of  mind, 
and  his  conduct  was  not  always  such  as  can  be  com- 
mended. He  longed  for  a  peaceable  solution  of  the 
pending  difficulties,  but  began  to  fear  that  it  might 
not  be  attained.  So  he  meditated  day  and  night  how 
a  reconciliation  might  be  effected.  He  hoped  even 
against  hope.  When  everything  indicated  that  the 
Roman  Catholics  would  never  consent  to  renounce 
their  errors  of  doctrine  and  practice,  he  still  planned 
for  the  attainment  of  the  unattainable.  This  excessive 
desire  for  peace,  and  this  persistent  blindness  to  the 
impossibility  of  obtaining  it  upon  an  evangelical  basis, 


THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG. 1580.         109 

was  Melanchthon's  evil  srenius.  Tn  i'oriiici-  davs,  lie 
had  more  than  once  stood  up  l)()ldlv  for  tlic  (K't'ence 
of  the  tnitli.  But  now  his  exa<i:i2:eration  of  the  iui- 
portanee  of  peace  led  him  to  take  mauy  d()ul)tfiil 
steps.  After  all,  it  resolved  itself  into  a  (juestiou  of 
faith.  Luther  never  douhtedthe  uUimate  triumph  of 
the  Gospel.  Melanchthon  constantly  tremljled  for  it, 
and  thought  that  he  must  help  to  save  it;  and  this 
anxiety  not  only  threatened  to  undermine  his  consti- 
tution, hut  involved  him  in  conciliatory  efforts  wliich 
threatened  to  compromise  the  Gospel,  and  wliicli  cer- 
tainly did  compromise  himself. 

His  mental  distress  was  so  great,  that  he  neglected 
his  correspondence  with  Luther  until  others  told  liim 
that  Luther  was  irritated  hy  it.  Then  he  hastened  to 
make  amends,  and  communicated  to  his  friend  at 
Coburg  his  trials  and  fears,  and  presented  these  as  his 
reason  for  not  writing  oftener.  Luther  wrote  liim  a 
pretty  sharp  letter  in  reply,  and  we  are  hound  to 
admit  that  Melanchthon  needed  and  deserved  it.  He 
says:  "Grace  and  peace  in  Christ;  in  Christ,  I  say, 
and  not  in  the  world.  As  regards  the  apology  for 
your  silence,  my  dear  Mr.  Philip),  we  will  speak  of  tliat 
at  some  other  time.  But  as  regards  the  great  anxiety 
of  which  you  write  and  which  is  wearing  you  out,  I 
am  hitterly  opposed  to  it.  That  this  anxiety  has 
taken  such  a  strong  hold  of  you,  is  not  because  the 
occasion  for  it  is  so  great,  but  because  of  our  unbebef 
The  danger  was  much  greater  in  the  days  of  .lolin 
Huss  and  of  others,  tlian  it  is  in  our  times.  And  even 
if  the  danger  were  great,  lie  also  is  great  wlio  has 
begun  and  conducts  this  matter.     The  cause  is  not 


110  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

ours.  Why  do  you  fret  yourself  so  incessantly  ?  If 
the  cause  be  unjust,  let  us  recant;  but  if  it  be  just, 
why  do  you  make  God,  who  has  given  us  such  great 
promises,  a  liar,  when  he  tells  us  to  be  of  good  cheer 
and  content  ?  He  says,  '  Cast  thy  burden  upon  the 
Lord;'  and  again,  'The  Lord  is  nigh  unto  them  that 
are  of  a  broken  heart'  Do  you  suppose  that  he 
speaks  thus  to  the  wind  or  to  beasts  ?  I,  also,  often 
shudder ;  but  not  always.  Your  philosophy  and  not 
your  theology  torments  you  so,  as  though  you  could 
accomplish  anything  by  your  useless  worry.  What 
can  the  devil  do  more  than  slay  us  ?  I  beg  of  you,  for 
Grod's  sake,  that,  as  you  defend  yourself  in  all  other 
respects,  you  will  defend  yourself  against  yourself. 
You  are  your  own  greatest  enemy ;  you  give  Satan  so 
many  weapons  to  use  against  you." 

In  reply  to  one  of  Melanchthon's  letters,  asking 
what  further  might  be  yielded  for  the  sake  of  peace, 
Luther  wrote  that  more  than  enough  had  already  been 
yielded;  that  he  could  not  for  a  moment  think  of  con- 
ceding more  than  the  Confession  had  conceded,  unless 
he  was  convinced  from  Scripture,  or  by  more  weighty 
reasons  than  were  now  brought  to  bear  upon  him ;  and 
that  he  would  rather  fall  with  Christ  than  stand  with 
the  emperor.  Unfortunately,  Melanchthon  lacked  the 
resolute  spirit  and  heroic  faith  of  his  friend.  He  had, 
indeed,  no  intention  of  giving  up  any  part  of  the  Gos- 
pel ;  but  he  was  ready,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  to  con- 
cede the  very  last  point  which  did  not  absolutely  con- 
flict with  the  Scriptures. 

It  must  l)e  said  to  his  credit,  however,  that  when 
placed  before  ,the  alternative  of  denying  Christ  or  suf- 


THE    DIET    OF    AUGSBURG. 1530.  Ill 

fering  for  refusal  to  do  so,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  de- 
cide for  Christ.  This  is  phain  from  his  interview  with 
the  papal  legate,  Campegius.  Surrounded  by  a  large 
number  of  his  bitterest  enemies,  and  threatened  with 
the  wrath  of  the  emperor  and  his  most  powerful 
princes  if  he  refused,  Melanchthon  was  asked  if  he 
would  yield.  But  his  reply  was  :  "  We  cannot  yield 
nor  be  unfaithful  to  the  truth.  But  we  pray,  for  God's 
sake  and  Christ's,  that  our  adversaries  will  not  take 
offense  at  this,  but  will,  if  they  are  able,  dispute  witli 
us ;  and  concede  to  us  those  things  which  we  cannot 
with  a  good  conscience  forsake."  When  Campegius 
and  the  others  thundered  threats  without  number  at 
him,  he  replied:  "We  commit  our  cause  to  the  Lord 
God.  If  God  be  for  us,  who  can  be  against  us? 
Finally,  let  come  what  will,  fortune  or  misfortune,  we 
must  abide  by  it."  Whatever  other  missteps  Me- 
lanchthon may  have  made,  he  nevertheless  deserves  to 
be  honored  for  the  decision  with  wdiich,  after  all,  when 
confronted  with  the  alternative,  he  chose  rather  to 
suffer  than  to  deny  his  Saviour. 

If  only  Melanchthon  had  let  matters  rest  here,  his 
record  at  the  diet  of  Augsburg  would  have  been  credit- 
able enough.  But  not  long  afterward  he  wrote  a  very 
humble  and  obsequious  letter  to  this  same  Cardinal 
Campegius,  in  which  he  said  that  the  Lutherans  would 
be  most  obedient  servants  of  the  pope,  if  only  they 
were  not  rejected  because  they  had  abolished  some 
abuses.  He  expected  a  favorable  nply;  but  he  was 
informed  that  the  cardinal  couM  take  no  steps  witli- 
out  the  consent  of  the  Roman  Catholic  i>rinees.  Con- 
sequently, Melanchthon   had   his   labor   for   his    pains. 


112  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

and  the  not  very  comfortable  reflection,  that  he  had 
made  a  sad  spectacle  of  himself,  had  lowered  himself 
in  everybody's  eyes,  and  yet  had  not  helped  his  cause 
in  the  least.  The  cardinal,  of  course,  did  not  keep 
this  letter  a  secret ;  and  Melanchthon  had  to  endure 
many  a  bitter  rebuke  on  account  of  it.  From  beyond 
the  AljDine  mountains  there  came  a  letter  from  one  of 
his  admirers  in  Venice,  inquiring  whether  it  was  true 
that  he  had  written  such  a  humble  letter  to  the  cardi- 
nal, and  begging  him  to  remember  that  all  true  Chris- 
tians in  Europe  were  anxiously  looking  to  him  in 
these  troubled  times  and  resting  their  greatest  hopes 
upon  him. 

In  the  meantime  the  Roman  Catholic  theologians, 
among  whom  were  Eck  and  Cochlaeus,  iinished  their 
so-called  Confutation  of  the  Augsburg  Confession. 
Their  first  draft  had  been  so  harsh  that  the  emperor 
bade  them  prepare  a  new  one.  At  last  it  was  ready, 
and  was  read  before  the  diet  on  August  3d.  It  fol- 
lowed the  arrangement  of  the  Augsburg  Confession, 
but  was  filled  with  falsehoods  and  puerile  arguments. 
When  it  had  been  read,  however,  the  emperor  gave 
the  Lutherans  to  understand  that,  after  this  complete 
confutation  of  their  position,  they  must  forsake  their 
errors  and  re-unite  with  the  holy  Roman  Church.  If 
they  refused,  he  would  act  "•  as  behooved  the  protector 
and  guardian  of  the  Holy  Christian  Church,  and  a 
true  Christian  emperor."  It  began  to  look  as  if  war 
were  inevitable. 

But  while  the  emperor  appeared  ready  to  resort  to 
arms,  he  was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the  differ- 
ences which  existed  among  the  Roman  Catholic  princes 


THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG. 1530.         113 

themselves.  They  could  not  agree  upon  tlie  policy  to 
be  pursued.  Finally  it  was  deterniincd  to  effect  a 
compromise.  On  August  6th,  a  committee  consisting 
of  a  number  of  lloman  Catholic  princes  and  l)ishops 
held  a  meeting  and  drew  up  a  document  for  that  pur- 
p)ose.  But  the  conditions  were  such  that  they  could 
not  be  accepted  by  the  Lutherans.  Melanchthon,  in- 
deed, adv^ised  that  the  princes  ask  for  the  w^aivi ng  of  a 
few  points,  and  accept  the  balance.  But  the  princes 
thought  otherwise,  and  replied  to  tlie  proposal,  that 
while  they  were  disposed  to  maintain  peace  and  liar- 
mony,  they  could  not  and  would  not  ])e  untrue  to 
God's  word.  Melanchthon  rendered  himself  particu- 
larly obnoxious  to  many  because  he  was  willing  to  re- 
store jurisdiction  to  the  Roman  bishops.  Theoreti- 
cally, his  plan  might  have  done ;  but  practically,  it 
would  have  had  very  evil  consequences.  For  if  the 
bishops  had  regained  their  jurisdiction,  they  would 
soon  have  put  an  end  to  the  pure  preaching  of  the 
Word  of  God. 

Philip  of  Hesse  was  completely  dissatisfied  with  the 
course  which  affairs  were  taking.  Tie  left  the  diet  in 
disgust  on  August  16th.  He  w^as  opposed  to  yielding 
anything  whatever,  and  wrote  to  his  counsellors  whom 
he  left  at  the  diet  :  "I  have  read  your  report;  but  I 
cannot  consent  that  such  measures  as  you  mention, 
whether  proposed  by  the  papists  or  by  the  evangelical 
party,  shall  be  adopted  l)y  us.  For  they  arc  measures 
wdiich  imply  deception  and  ai'c  consefiunitly  suited  t(> 
the  ])apistsonly.  Abide  by  the  direction-^  which  I  left 
with  you.  If  the  papists  would  permit  in  their  countries 
the  pure  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  allow  the   marriage 

8 


114  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

of  priests  and  monks,  and  abolish  prayers  for  the  dead 
and  the  invocation  of  the  saints,  much  for  charity's- 
sake  might  be  conceded  to  them.  The  preaching  of 
the  Gospel  would,  no  doubt,  by  degrees  reform  the 
remaining  abuses.  But  if  the  papists  want  to  keep 
on  sitting  in  their  devil's  roses  and  prohibit  the  pure 
preaching  of  the  Gospel,  freedom  of  marriage  and  the 
administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  in  accordance 
with  Christ's  institution,  then  you  must  not  recede 
one  hair's  breadth.  The  jurisdiction  of  the  bishops  is 
not  to  be  allowed ;  for  they  are  unwilling  to  permit 
the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  in  their  territories.  What 
a  farce  it  would  be,  it  they  should  appoint,  as  exami- 
ners of  Christian  preachers,  men  who  in  doctrine  and 
life  are  no  better  than  a  Caiphas,  an  Annas  or  a  Pilate  ! 
Show  to  the  cities  this  my  handwriting,  and  tell  them 
to  be  men,  not  women.  Stop  the  play  of  that  worldly- 
wise  philosopher,  that  timid  Philip." 

The  evangelical  party  agreed,  however,  once  more  to 
argue  the  points  of  difference  with  their  opponents. 
On  August  15th,  a  committee,  consisting  of  two  princes, 
two  jurists,  and  three  theologians  from  each  side  was 
formed,  and  began  its  sittings  the  following  day.  The 
articles  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  were  taken  up  one 
by  one  for  consideration.  In  many  of  the  doctrinal 
articles  the  Roman  Catholic  theologians  agreed  with  the 
Lutherans,  and  in  others  of  them  they  showed  a  dispo- 
sition to  find  fault  rather  with  the  wording  than  the  sub- 
stance. On  a  few  of  them ,  such  as  those  on  Justification, 
Repentance  and  Good  Works,  they  could  not  agree. 
But  the  greatest  difiiculty  was  encountered  in  the  ar- 
ticles on  the  abuses.     No  agreement  whatever   could 


THE    DIET    OF    AUGSBURG. 1530.  115 

be  reached  on  the  denial  of  the  cup  to  the  laity,  celi- 
bacy and  private  masses.  There  were,  all  told,  four- 
teen points  on  which  they  were  unable  to  unite. 

When  the  larger  commission  had  failed  to  effect  an 
agreement,  a  smaller  one  was  formed  on  August  24th. 
This  consisted  of  only  six  persons,  Melanchthon  and 
Eck  being  the  only  theologians  present.  But  tliis 
effort  at  agreement  also  failed.  Melanchthon  liad  at 
last  begun  to  see  that  making  concessions  to  people 
whose  only  concern  was  to  shield  the  Roman  hierar- 
chy and  who  had  no  desire  to  learn  or  obey  the  truth, 
could  not  possibly  do  any  good;  and  he  consequently 
took  a  much  bolder  stand  than  he  had  in  the  earlier 
discussions.  But  now,  because  of  the  contrast  Ije- 
tween  his  conduct  in  the  earlier  and  later  stages  of  the 
negotiations,  he  was  blamed  and  upl)raided  by  both 
side^.  The  Lutherans  found  fault  with  him  on  ac- 
count of  the  willingness  he  had  displayed  to  yield  so 
much  for  the  sake  of  peace;  the  Roman  Catholics,  on 
the  other  hand,  accused  him  of  insincerity  in  his 
earlier  conduct,  because  he  took  a  so  much  bolder  po- 
sition toward  the  end. 

It  would  have  been  far  better  for  Melanchthon's 
peace  of  mind,  as  well  as  for  his  credit  with  his  con- 
temporaries and  posterity,  if  he  had  taken  an  uncom- 
promisins:  stand  for  the  truth  from  the  verv  bcirinninir 
of  the  necrotiations.  But  while  his  conduct  cannot  be 
justified,  it  can,  to  a  large  extent  at  least,  be  ex- 
plained by  his  excessive  desire  for  peace  and  his  false 
estimate  of  the  character  of  his  enemies.  Perhajis  he 
credited  his  adversaries  with  the  same  openness  to 
con\^ction,  and  the  same  desire  to  know  and  obey  the 


116  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

truth,  which  he  himself  possessed.  But  he  should 
have  known  better.  His  own  past  experience  should 
have  taught  him  that  the  men  with  w^hom  he  was 
dealing  were  seeking  only  to  uphold  the  papal  system 
at  all  hazards.  Perhaps  he  did  know  better;  but 
the  imminent  dangers  which  he  saw  threatening 
the  evangelical  cause  warped  his  judgment,  so  that 
he  attempted  what  even  his  own  reason  in  calmer 
times  would  have  told  him  was  altogether  impossi- 
ble. 

With  all  his  exalted  gifts,  Melanchthon  was  not 
equal  to  the  difficult  position  in  which  he  found  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  Protestant  party  in  Augsburg. 
He  lacked  that  determined  and  decisive  character, 
that  keen  insight  into  human  nature,  that  clear  per- 
ception of  the  unalterable  hostility  and  malevolent  de- 
signs of  his  foes,  which  Luther  possessed  in  so  re- 
markable a  degree,  and  which,  had  Melanchthon 
possessed  them,  would  have  enabled  him  to  pursue  a 
steadfast  and  consistent  course,  and  to  steer  clear  of 
negotiations  in  which  nothing  could  possibly  be  ac- 
complished except  at  a  sacrifice  of  the  Gospel.  He 
should  have  recognized  and  boldly  faced  the  truth, 
that,  dreadful  as  was  the  alternative,  war  would  still 
be  preferable  to  any  compromise  which  he  might  hope 
to  effect  with  such  enemies.  Luther  knew  his  oppo- 
nents better.  He  knew  that  they  were  too  shrewd  to 
be  satisfied  with  a  concession  of  non-essentials  and  too 
strongly  attached  to  Rome  to  yield  up  any  of  her 
errors ;  that  they  would  be  satisfied  with  nothing 
short  of  the  suppression  of  Lutheranism;  and  that 
peace  could  be  secured  only  by  a  sacrifice  of  the  truth. 


THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG. 1530.         117 

It  was  Melanclithon's  misfortune  not  to  recognize  tliis, 
or  if  he  did  recognize  it,  to  i)ermit  his  fears  to  get  the 
better  of  his  judgment. 

Melanchthon  opposed  any  kind  of  an  agreement 
with  the  ZwinHians  who  had  come  to  Au«:shuro:.  Tlie 
emperor  liated  them  worse  than  he  did  the  Lutlierans. 
The  poHtical  tenets  which  they  combined  witli  their 
theology,  and  their  denial  of  the  real  presence  in  the 
Lord's  Supper,  made  them  particularly  obnoxious  to 
Charles  V.  When,  therefore,  tlie  Strasburg  theo- 
logians Bucer  and  Capito  sought  an  interview  with 
Melanchthon,  he  refused  to  meet  them.  He  told  them 
that  he  entertained  no  hostility  toward  them,  but  that 
he  could  not  convince  himself  of  the  truth  of  tluir 
doctrine,  nor  assume  the  responsibility  of  burdening 
the  princes  with  the  odium  which  its  approval  would 
cause  them  to  incur.  Consequently,  the  Zwinglians 
were  obliged  to  hand  in  their  own  separate  Tetrapoli- 
tan  Confession. 

After  the  negotiations  of  the  smaller  commission, 
mentioned  above,  had  proved  fruitless,  the  emperor 
summoned  the  Lutheran  princes  before  him  and  de- 
clared to  them,  by  the  mouth  of  Count  Frederick  of 
the  Palatinate,  that  he  was  exceedingly  displeased  to 
see  so  small  a  minority  obstinately  defend  their  own 
peculiar  doctrines  in  the  face  of  the  whole  world  ;  that 
he  would  indeed  pray  the  pope  to  call  a  council;  hut 
that  he  demanded  of  them  in  the  meanwhile,  that  tluy 
return  to  the  faith  of  the  Komish  Church,  because  it 
was  proper  that  the  minority  should  yield  to  the  ma- 
jority. The  princes  protested  against  this  deinaii<l, 
and  declared  that  they  would  abide  by  the  Word  of 


118  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

God.  And  on  the  same  day,  as  an  emphasis  to  this 
protest,  Melanchthon,  with  the  assistance  of  the  other 
theologians,  drew  up  a  paper  in  which  the  Romish 
private  mass  was  rejected  in  unequivocal  terms.  The 
moderate  Roman  Catholic  princes  again  endeavored 
to  effect  an  agreement,  but  accomplished  nothing. 

Finally,  on  September  22d,  the  emperor  summoned 
the  Estates  before  him  to  hear  the  decree  of  the  diet. 
He  said  that  the  Lutherans  had  been  thoroughly  con- 
futed from  the  Four  Gospels  and  other  writings,  and 
that  he  would  give  them  till  April  15th,  of  the  follow- 
ing year  to  decide  whether,  in  the  articles  still  dis- 
puted^ they  would  unite  with  him  and  the  pope  or  not. 
During  this  period  of  grace  they  should  not  publish  or 
sell  anything  new  in  matters  of  faith,  should  draw  no 
one  over  to  their  side,  and  should  join  him  in  sup- 
pressing the  Sacramentarians  and  Anabaptists. 

Thereupon  Chancellor  Brueck  arose  in  behalf  of 
the  Lutherans,  and  declared  that  they  did  not  by  any 
means  consider  themselves  confuted  by  the  ^Daper 
which  had  been  prepared  by  their  opponents;  and 
that  they  desired  to  submit  another  document  in  de- 
fence of  the  Augsburg  Confession.  But  the  emperor 
would  not  permit  them  to  do  so.  This  other  docu- 
ment to  which  Brueck  referred  was  the  first  sketch  of 
Melanchthon's  "Apology  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession." Melanchthon  had  for  some  time  been  in 
consultation  with  the  other  theologians,  and  finally,  be- 
tween September  12tli  and  20th,  he  had  prepared  this 
work.  But  as  he  had  nothing  but  Camerarius'  notes, 
taken  during  the  reading  of  the  Confutation,  to  serve 
for  his  guidance   in  writing  the  first  sketch   of  the 


THE  DIET  OF  AUGSBURG. 1530. 


119 


Apology,  he  afterwards,  from  November  1530  to  April 
1531,  having  meanwhile  obtained  a  copy  of  the  Con- 
futation, rewrote  the  entire  work.     It  was  composed 


Justus  Jonas. 


in  Latin,  and  was  afterwards  transhited  into  Ocnnan 
by  Justus  Jonas.  It  was  adopted  as  one  of  the  con- 
fessional symbols  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  and  it  is, 


120  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

perhaps,  the  most  thorough  and  learned  of  them  all. 
The  ahility  with  which  it  is  executed  may  be  judged 
from  the  fact  that,  at  a  later  time,  in  reply  to  a  fierce 
assault  of  the  Jesuits,  the  Apology  without  note  or 
comment  was  reprinted  as  an  ample  refutation  of  all 
their  charges. 

After  the  emperor  had  refused  to  receive  the  Apol- 
ogy of  Melanchthon,  the  religious  negotiations  of  the 
diet  were,  of  course,  at  an  end.  Consequently,  on  the 
following  day,  September  23d,  the  elector,  with  Me- 
lanchthon and  the  other  theologians,  departed  from 
Augsburg,  leaving  a  few  of  the  Saxon  counsellors  be- 
hind to  hear  the  general  final  decree  of  the  diet.  The 
travellers  proceeded  through  l^uremberg  to  Coburg, 
where  Luther  was  anxiously  awaiting  them. 

Luther  had  foreseen  the  outcome  of  the  diet,  and 
had  written  to  his  friends  shortly  before  they  left 
Augsburg :  "  More  has  been  accomplished,  after  all, 
than  Ave  dared  hoped  for.  You  have  rendered  to 
Caesar  the  things  which  are  Caesar's  and  unto  God  the 
things  which  are  God's.  To  the  emperor  you  have 
rendered  full  obedience  by  appearing  at  the  diet  at  the 
cost  of  so  much  money,  labor  and  trouble  ;  but  to  God 
the  special  ofi'ering  of  the  Confession,  which  shall 
penetrate  into  all  the  courts  of  kings  and  princes, 
shall  rule  in  the  midst  of  its  enemies,  and  shall  pro- 
claim its  sound  to  all  the  world,  so  that  he  who  will 
not  believe  it  is  left  without  excuse.  May  Christ  con- 
fess us  as  you  have  confessed  him,  and  glorify  those 
who  glorify  him.  Amen."  To  Melanchthon  himself 
Luther  had  written  :  "  Ye  have  worthily  accomplished 
God's  holy  work,  as  becometh  saints.     Rejoice  in  the 


THE    DIET    OF    AUGSBUIir.. 1530.  121 

Lord  and  be  joyful,  yr  riii:hteous.  Ye  liave  suffered 
long  enoug'li  in  the  world.  Look  up  now  and  lift  up 
your  heads;  for  your  redemption  draweth  nisi:h.  I 
will  pronounce  you  holy,  as  true  members  of  ('hrist. 
And  what  other  praise  w^ould  ye  seek  ?" 

On  the  way  to  Wittenberg,  Melanchthon  was  con- 
tinually meditating  upon  his  Apology.  lie  wrote  upon 
it  even  while  he  was  eating  his  meals.  Luther  once 
snatched  the  pen  from  his  hands,  saying :  "  We  can 
serve  God  not  only  by  work  but  also  by  rest."  After 
an  absence  of  nearly  seven  months,  Melanchthon  beheld 
once  more  his  beloved  Wittenberg,  rejoined  his  family 
circle,  re-entered  his  lecture-hall,  and  sat  down  again 
at  his  own  desk.  One  of  his  first  occupations  was  to 
publish  the  Augsburg  Confession. 

On  November  19th,  the  final  decree  of  the  diet  was 
published.  It  condemned  all  the  doctrines  of  the  Lu- 
therans which  conflicted  with  Romish  teaching  and 
practice ;  and  commanded  that  all  innovations  whicli 
had  been  introduced  should  be  abolished,  and  all 
things  restored  to  their  ancient  state.  Xo  Protestant 
hand  signed  this  decree. 


122  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

THE    SCHMALCALD    LEAGUE.       THE   RELIGIOUS   PEACE    OF 

NUREMBERG.       MELANCHTHON    INVITED    TO  FRANCE 

AND    ENGLAND.       1531-1535. 


I 


I  I  I  HE  final  decree  of  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  had 
been  so  full  of  menace  to  the  Lutherans,  that 
even  Melanchthon  acknowledged  the  pro- 
priety and  necessity  of  taking  proper  measures  of  de- 
fence. A  league  was  therefore  formed  at  Schmalcald 
by  the  Lutheran ,  princes  on  March  29,  1531.  The 
four  Zwinglian  cities  were  also  received  into  the 
league.  Melanchthon  did  not  oiFer  any  objections. 
He  knew  that  the  emperor  already  hated  the  Luther- 
ans as  much  as  he  very  well  could.  Besides,  Bucer 
had  approached  more  nearly  to  the  Lutheran  doctrine 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  confessed  that  Christ's  body 
is  truly  present  in  that  sacrament.  Only  the  manner 
of  the  union  of  Christ's  body  with  the  visible  elements 
remained  in  dispute. 

AVhen  the  emperor  saw  that  the  Protestants  were 
united  for  mutual  defence  and  that  possibly  an  alli- 
ance might  be  effected  by  them  with  France  and  Eng- 
land, he  began  to  think  it  prudent  to  assume  a  less 
warlike  aspect.  He  was  threatened  too  with  a  new 
attack  by  the  sultan  Soliman,  and  had  to  make  terms 
either  with  tlie  Turks  or  with  the  Protestants.  He 
decided  upon  the  latter  course,  and  called  a  diet  at 
Ratisbon  (Regensburg).     But  in  the   meantime,  the 


THE    SCHMALCALD    LEAGUE. 


123 


the  Zwingliuns  suffered  :i  severe  defeat  at  Cappel,  and 
Zwino^li  himself  was  amons:  the  shun.  This  seemed 
to  the  emperor  a  favorable  time  to  suppress  the  evan- 
gelical party  in  Germany.     He  therefore  sent  an  em- 


Sl'LTAN    SULIMAN. 


hassy  to  offer  to  the  sultan  most  ignominious  terms 
of  peace.  But  the  sultan  would  not  accept  tlimi,  and 
preferred  to  prosecute  his  purpose  of  estahlishing  a 
universal  dominion. 

The  emperor  was  thus  reduced  to  the   necessity  of 


124  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

entreating  the  assistance  of  the  Protestants.  But  they 
were  willing  to  lend  aid  only  on  certain  conditions. 
At  the  diet,  held  at  Ratisbon  and  afterwards  trans- 
ferred to  Nuremberg,  the  Protestants  demanded,  as 
the  price  of  their  assistance,  not  a  compromise,  but 
absolute  freedom  in  religious  matters,  and  the  calling 
of  a  free  general  council  where  the  religious  questions 
should  be  decided  solely  in  accordance  with  the  Word 
of  God.  There  was  no  recourse  but  to  grant  their  de- 
mands, and  accordingly,  on  July  23,  1532,  the  Reli- 
gious Peace  of  Nuremberg  was  established.  By  the 
terms  of  this  peace,  no  State  was  to  give  oifence  to  any 
other  on  account  of  religious  matters,  until  a  council 
had  been  held;  and  all'w^ere  to  treat  each  other  with 
true  Christian  friendship  and  love.  This  agreement 
brought  joy  to  the  troubled  heart  of  Melanchthon. 

Soon  afterwards,  on  August  16th,  the  Elector  John 
the  Constant  of  Saxony  was  gathered  to  his  fathers. 
He  had  gone  to  Schweinitz  on  a  hunting  expedition, 
and  died  there.  Luther  and  Melanchthon  arrived  at 
his  bedside  in  time  to  see  him  breathe  his  last ;  but  he 
was  no  longer  able  to  speak  to  them.  He  raised  his 
hands  as  a  token  of  recognition,  and  soon  afterward 
expired.  His  body  was  removed  to  Wittenberg, 
where  Luther  preached  the  funeral  sermon  and  Me- 
lanchthon delivered  an  academical  address.  His  son, 
John  Frederick,  surnamed  the  Magnanimous,  suc- 
ceeded to  the  electoral  dignity. 

In  the  year  1533,  Pope  Clement  VII.  took  steps 
toward  the  assembling  of  a  council.  In  June  of  that 
year  he  dispatched  a  papal  nuncio,  accompanied  by 
an  imperial  orator,  to  inform  the  new  elector  of  the 


THE    RELKUOUS    PEACE    OF    NUREMBElKi.  125 

proposed  council,  and  to  deinaiid  tliat  nil   should  un- 
conditionally submit    to   its   decision.      In   accordance 


John  Frederick  the  Magnanimous. 

with  the  advice  of  liis  theologians,  tin-  ilrctor  con- 
sented to  the  holding  of  such  a  council ;  hut  refused  to 
bind  himself  beforehand  to  oIk-v  its  decrees,  because, 


126  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

as  Melanchtlion  had  said,  councils  no  longer  made  all 
their  decisions  conform  to  God's  Word. 

All  the  negotiations  from  1531  to  1534  were  of 
such  a  nature  that  Melanchthon  was  little  disturbed  in 
his  private  work  and  had  ample  time  to  devote  him- 
self to  his  studies,  his  lectures,  and  his  literary  labors. 
During  this  period  he  published  a  number  of  works. 
One  of  them,  his  Commentary  on  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans,  he  dedicated  to  the  Archbishop  Albert  of 
Mayence,  the  same  who  had  figured  so  prominently 
in  the  scandalous  sale  of  induls^ences  as^ainst  which 
Luther  had  protested.  It  is  said  that  when  the  arch- 
bishop received  the  work,  he  became  so  angry  that  he 
trampled  it  under  his  feet  and  cried  out,  "  He  is  pos- 
sessed by  St.  Valentine."  ^Nevertheless,  the  reputa- 
tion of  Melanchthon  as  a  scholar  was  so  great  that  the 
archbishop,  who  posed  as  a  patron  of  arts  and  letters, 
dared  not  deny  him  recognition.  He  sent  Melanch- 
thon, therefore,  a  costly  present. 

The  high  regard  in  which  Melanchthon  was  held, 
not  only  in  Germany  but  in  other  European  countries, 
is  evident  from  the  numerous  calls  which  came  to  him 
to  go  elsewhere.  In  1534  he  received  one  from  Po- 
land, and  another  from  Wurtemberg,  where  Duke 
Ulrich  desired  to  have  the  University  of  Tubingen 
re-organized  and  the  Reformation  speedily  introduced. 
But  Melanchthon  declined  both  these  calls,  much  to 
the  gratification  of  the  elector. 

Meanwhile  the  Reformation  had  made  some  pro- 
gress in  France,  and  it  looked  for  a  time  as  if  that 
country  would  l)ecome  Protestant.  Francis  I.  was  a 
bitter  enemy  of  Charles  Y.  and  was  anxious  to  enter 


THE    RELIGIOUS    PEACE    OF    NUREMBERG.  127 

into  an  alliance  with  the  Schmalcald  League.  At  the 
advice  of  liis  minister,  AVilliam  Bellay,  he  not  only 
sent  ambassadors  to  treat  with  the  Protestant  princes, 
but  instructed  them  to  request  Melanchthon's  opinion 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  a  union  might  be  effected 
between  the  two  religious  parties  of  France. 

On  August  1st,  Melanchthon  sent  a  paper  of  eight 
articles  containing  very  much  the  same  princijdes  of  ac- 
commodation which  he  had  recommended  at  Augs- 
burg. In  the  first  article  he  says,  that  the  pope  might 
retain  his  primacy  and  the  bishops  their  jurisdiction, 
if  they  would  not  use  their  authority  for  the  purpose 
of  suppressing  the  truth ;  in  the  second,  that  traditional 
customs,  though  often  allowable,  are  not  to  be  regarded 
as  obliscatorv  nor  as  deservino;  merit ;  in  the  thircL  that 
confession  is  to  be  retained,  but  the  enumeration  of 
specific  sins  abolished;  in  the  fourth,  that  in  the  mat- 
ter of  justification  it  was  necessary  wholly  to  drop  the 
scholastic  doctrine  of  good  works  and  to  maintain 
that  of  justification  by  faith  alone;  in  the //YV//,  that  an 
agreement  on  the  subject  of  the  mass  would  be  very 
difficult  to  reach,  yet  the  celebration  of  private  masses 
ought  to  be  abandoned,  and  the  Lord's  Supper  admin- 
istered in  both  kinds;  in  the  si.rfh,  that  the  adoration 
of  the  saints  must  be  abolished  because  it  eoiitriets 
with  Scripture  and  the  early  Cliureh,  but  that  the  fol- 
lowing form  might  be  allowable  :  "  (irant,  O  God,  that 
we,  assisted  by  the  prayers  of  thy  saints,  etc. ;"  in  the 
seventh,  that  all  cloisters  need  not  necessarily  be  abol- 
ished, but  that  some  might  be  permitted  to  remain  for 
the  ])urpose  of  training  n[)  young  men  for  the  (linrcli, 
provided    these    be   left    at   lil)erty  to   leave   whenever 


128  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

they  choose ;  in  the  eighth,  that  the  celibacy  of  the 
priesthood  is  contrary  to  Scripture  and  the  practice  of 
the  ancient  Church.  In  conclusion  he  stated  that  these 
articles  were  not  meant  to  be  final,  but  to  serve  as  a 
basis  for  deliberation  by  learned  men. 

A  long  time  elapsed  before  he  received  any  reply. 
At  last,  on  March  4th,  1535,  he  received  a  communi- 
cation from  John  Sturm  of  Strasburg,  from  which  he 
learned  that  matters  had  taken  a  bad  turn  in  France. 
Some  fanatics,  for  whom  the  Reformation  was  not 
making  progress  rapidly  enough,  had  posted  up  at  a 
number  of  places,  and  among  these  on  the  gates  of  the 
Louvre,  hand-bills  which  contained  reflections  upon 
the  doctrines,  ceremonies  and  clergy  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  The  king  had  thereupon  become 
o^reatlv  incensed,  and  had  caused  six  Lutherans  to  be 
publicly  condemned  and  burned  to  death.  He  had, 
indeed,  become  somewhat  appeased,  when  it  was  ex- 
plained to  him  that  Lutheran  doctrines  were  in  no  way 
responsible  for  insurrection  and  riot.  But  the  situa- 
tion was  still  extremely  bad,  and  the  only  hope  of  im- 
provement, Melanchthon  was  told,  lay  in  his  going  to 
France.  The  king  held  him  in  high  esteem  and  would 
be  inclined  to  follow  his  advice. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  Melanchthon  imme- 
diately wrote  to  William  Bellay  and  entreated  him  to 
protect  the  Gospel.  A  little  later  he  replied  to  John 
Sturm  and  submitted  the  reasons  why  it  was  impos- 
sible for  him  at  that  time  to  go  to  Paris,  and  why,  if 
he  did  go,  he  feared  little  good  would  be  accomplished. 
In  answer  to  these  communications  he  received  letters 
not  only  from  Bellay  and  from   Sturm,  but  a  very 


MELANCIITHON    INVITED    TO    FRANCE.  121) 

friendly  epistle  from  King  Francis  himself,  urging  liim 
to  come  to  France  as  soon  as  possible  and  assist  in 
bringing  about  unity  and  harmony  in  its  religious 
affairs. 

Melanchthon  thereupon  immediately  hastened  from 
Jena,  where  on  account  of  the  plague  which  reigned 
at  Wittenberg  the  university  had  been  temporarily  es- 
tablished, to  the  Elector  at  Torgau,  and  asked  for  a 
furlough  of  several  months.  Luther  seconded  liis 
appeal,  both  of  them  apparently  believing  in  the  sin- 
cerity of  Francis  I.  But  the  elector  refused  his  con- 
sent. He  believed  that  it  Avould  do  no  good  and  only 
result  in  involving  them  in  difficulties  with  the  em- 
peror. He  feared  also,  as  his  letter  to  Brueck  shows, 
that  Melanchthon  might  be  prevailed  upon  to  make 
concessions  to  which  Luther  and  the  other  theologians 
could  not  consent.  ''  Xor  is  it  to  be  sui)posed,"  he 
says,  "  that  the  French  are  in  earnest.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  is  altogether  likely  that,  when  they  see  how 
good-natured  Philip  is,  they  will  take  advantage  of 
him,  and  afterward  decry  him  as  inconsistent.  Those 
who  are  favorable  to  this  matter  in  France  an-  more 
Erasmianthan  evangelical.  "We  are  iirndy  determined 
rather  to  lose  Philip's  services  entirely,  than  to  let  liim 
go  to  France  with  our  good- will  and  consent." 

Melanchthon  was  consequently  obliged  to  rrply  to 
the  king,  that,  much  as  he  would  like  to  do  so,  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  come.  He  also  wrote  to  William 
Bellay  and  complained  to  him  of  tlic  harsh  tr^'atnu-nt 
which  he  had  received  from  the  elector.  Indeed,  Ik- 
took  the  elector's  refusal  so  much  to  heart,  that  for  a 
number  of  weeks  he  remained  in  a  very  dissatisfied 

9 


130  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

frame  of  mind.  It  was  not  till  in  October,  when  he 
met  the  elector  again  and  the  prince  took  great  pains 
to  show  his  good-will  toward  him,  that  Melanchthon 
became  reconciled.  Shortly  afterward  he  saw  him- 
self that  his  journey  would  have  proved  fruitless  ;  be- 
cause the  king,  while  he  desired  a  political  union 
with  the  Protestant  princes,  was  in  no  sense  desirous 
of  a  true  reformation  of  the  Church,  and  gave  his 
approval  to  the  action  of  the  Sorbonne  when  it  con- 
demned as  heretical  the  eight  articles  which  Melanch- 
thon had  forwarded  to  France. 

A  similar  result  followed  the  negotiations  with 
Henry  YIII.  of  England.  This  royal  potentate  had 
made  an  attack  upon  Luther,  and  had  received  from 
the  pope  the  title  of  "  Defender  of  the  Faith."  [N'one 
the  less,  he  was  ready  to  break  with  the  pope  when 
that  pontifl*  would  not  consent  to  Henry's  divorce  from 
his  wife  Catherine,  an  aunt  of  Charles  Y.  Accordingly 
in  1534,  Henry  YIII.  proclaimed  himself  the  Supreme 
Bishop  of  the  Church  of  England.  During  this  year,  he 
twice  invited  Melanchthon  to  cross  the  channel.  He 
was  extremely  anxious  to  escape  from  the  scandal 
which  his  matrimonial  affairs  had  created.  And 
therefore  in  March,  1535,  he  dispatched  Anthony 
Barnes  to  Wittenberg  to  confer  with  the  theologians 
there,  and  to  endeavor  to  enter  into  a  union  with  the 
evangelical  States. 

Melanchthon  took  this  opportunity  to  write  to  the 
king  and  earnestly  commend  the  cause  of  the  Gospel 
to  him.  He  also  dedicated  to  that  ruler  the  second 
edition  of  his  Loci  Communes.  Henry  was  highly 
pleased,  and  sent  the  Wittenberg  theologian  a  gracious 


MELANCHTHON    INVITED    TO    ENGLAND.  131 

letter  iind  a  present  of  two  hundred  florins.  At  a  later 
period,  however,  wlirn  he  saw  liow  lie  liad  hccn  de- 
ceived in  tlie  king's  intentions,  Melanclitlioii  omitted 
this  dedication  from  his  work. 

In  September  of  the  same  year,  Barnes  came  to 
Wittenberg  a  second  time.  !N'ot  having  been  able  to 
obtain  their  sanction  for  Henry's  divorce  proceedings, 
he  proposed  now  to  confer  with  the  Saxon  theologians 
on  unity  of  doctrine,  and  to  request  permission  for 
Melanchthon  to  go  to  England.  Luther  seconded  this 
request,  as  he  had  the  one  from  France.  But  the 
elector  again  refused  his  consent.  He  believed  that 
the  English  king  was  only  trying  to  use  religious 
matters  as  a  cloak  for  his  scandalous  conduct.  The 
negotiations,  however,  lasted  until  the  following 
spring.  Besides  Barnes,  two  other  men.  Bishop  Fox 
and  Archdeacon  Heyth,  arrived  from  England  and 
took  part  in  the  discussions.  The  university  being  at 
that  time  stationed  at  Jena,  Melanchthon  was  obliged 
to  make  numerous  journeys  to  Wittenberg  to  meet 
these  envoys.  But  he  could  not  be  brought  to  sanc- 
tion Henry's  divorce,  nor  to  yield  his  convictions  on 
the  marriasre  of  the  clero^v  and  the  mass,  the  two 
points  which  were  most  controverted  by  the  English- 
ini'U.  He  drew  up  two  papers  and  sent  tlu-m  to  Eng- 
land by  the  hand  of  the  royal  ambassadors.  Barnes 
himself  dissuaded  Melanchthon  from  making  the 
journey  to  that  country,  because  circumstances  bcgim 
to  be  unfavorable  there  for  the  progress  of  the 
Reformation. 


132  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

THE    WITTENBERG    FORM    OF    CONCORD.       JOURNEY    TO 
TUEBINGEN.       ACCUSED    OF    HERESY. 

OTHER  negotiations  now  claimed  the  attention 
of  Melanchthon.  It  has  been  mentioned  in 
the  previous  chapter  that  as  early  as  1531 
Bucer  had  acknowledged  the  presence  of  Christ's 
body  in  the  Lord's  Supper.  This  able  divine  made  it 
his  lifework  to  bring  about  harmony  between  the 
Protestants  upon  this  point.  In  September,  1534,  he 
published  a  Form  of  Concord.  In  the  same  month 
Melanchthon  wrote  to  Philip  of  Hesse  that  he  had 
spoken  with  Luther,  and  that  Luther  was  satisfied 
with  Bucer's  publication,  provided  the  latter  really 
believed  what  his  words  expressed.  He  exhorted  the 
landgrave  to  take  action  in  the  matter,  and  added, 
"  All  that  I  am  able  to  do  in  order  to  promote  Chris- 
tian unity,  I  am  heartily  willing  to  do.  I  know  of  no 
more  as-reeable  task  in  the  world."  The  landgrave 
then  made  arrangements  for  a  meeting  between  Bucer 
and  Melanchthon  at  Cassel.  Luther,  although  he 
cherished  no  great  expectations  as  to  the  result,  con- 
sented to  the  arrangement,  and  gave  to  Melanchthon, 
in  writing,  a  basis  on  which  a  union  might  be  eftected. 
At  the  meeting,  which  took  place  the  following  De- 
cember, Bucer  declared  it  to  be  his  belief  that  when 
the  bread  and  wine  are  dispensed,  the  body  of  Christ 


THE  WITTENBERG  FORM  OF  CONCORD.      133 

is  given  and  received.  lie  made  promise,  also,  that 
he  and  his  friends  would  henceforth  teach  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  its  Apology. 
With  this  explanation  Luther  was  satisfied,  while  Me- 
lanchthon  returned  to  Wittenbers:  almost  better 
pleased  with  Bucer's  than  with  Luther's  view  on  the 
minor  points  upon  which  those  two  could  not  unite. 

This  ao^reement  between  Bucer  and  the  Wittenberir 
theologians  having  been  reached,  there  poured  into 
Wittenberg,  from  all  sides,  letters  declaring  that  their 
authors  would  gladly  unite  on  such  a  basis.  Luther 
was  deeply  moved,  and  wrote  in  reply  to  a  letter  from 
Augsburg,  "  If  this  Form  of  Concord  is  establislied,  I 
shall  sing  with  tears  of  joy,  ^  Lord  nowlettest  thou  thy 
servant  depart  in  peace.'  "  And  Melanchthon  wrote  to 
the  ministers  of  Augsburg :  "I  would  willingly  risk 
my  life  to  promote  this  Concord." 

The  spring  of  1536  was  appointed  by  the  elector  for 
the  holding  of  a  convention  in  Eisenach  at  which  a 
Form  of  Concord  was  to  be  formally  adopted.  But 
while  ever}i:hing  looked  so  promising,  Melanchthon 
was  suddenly  seized  with  the  fear  that,  by  the  liolding 
of  such  a  convention,  greater  discord  among  the  theo- 
logians, and  greater  divisions  and  public  controversies 
than  existed  before,  might  be  produced.  For  about 
this  time,  letters  of  Zwingli  and  Q^cohimpadius,  pre- 
faced by  a  letter  of  Bucer,  were  publislicd  ;  and  in  liis 
letter  Bucer  had  praised  tlie  otlier  two  men  for  tln'ir 
orthodoxy.  Melanchthon  feared  tliat  this  fact  miglit 
be  brought  up  at  the  convention,  and  matters  \)v  unidv 
worse  than  before. 

Luther's  physical  condition   rendered  it    impossible 


134 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


for  him  to  travel  to  Eisenach  when  the  time  for  the 
convention  approached.  Bucer  and  his  friends,  there- 
fore, came  on  to  Wittenberg.  They  arrived  May  21, 
1536.       On    the    followins:    day  the    convention    was 


Caspar  Cruciger. 


opened.  Among  those  present  besides  Bucer  were 
Luther,  Melanchthon,  Jonas,  Cruciger,  Rorarius,  Po- 
meranus,  Weller,  Menius,  Myconius  and  Capito. 
Bucer  opened  the  meeting  with  a  lengthy  address  in 


THE  WITTENBERG  FORM  OF  CONCORD.       135 

whicli  lie  expressed  liis  joy  over  the  oecasion  which 
had  brouii;ht  them  together,  as  one  for  which  he  had 
striven  for  four  long  years.  Luther  replied  that  after 
reading  the  letters  of  Zwingli  and  (Ecolampadius  with 
the  preface  by  Bucer,  he  had  little  hope  of  concord, 
and  believed  that  it  would  be  better  to  leave  matters 
as  they  were,  than  to  make  them  a  hundred  times 
Avorse  by  a  fictitious  union.  Bucer  justified  himself 
as  best  he  could,  and  declared  that  his  letter  had  been 
written  the  previous  year,  and  that  it  had  now  been 
published  in  opposition  to  his  express  will  and  com- 
mand. The  Upper  Germans,  he  said,  meant  this  mat- 
ter sincerely,  and  no  deception  was  intended.  Luther 
then  demanded  to  know  whether  Bucer  and  his  friends 
would  publicly  recant  their  former  doctrine  as  one 
which  was  opposed  to  the  Scriptures  and  the  teaching 
of  the  ancient  Church,  and  whether  they  would  con- 
fess and  teach  that,  by  virtue  of  Christ's  power  and  the 
words  of  institution,  the  true  body  and  blood  of  Christ 
are  in  the  sacrament  and  are  received  by  all,  Avhether 
believing  or  unbelieving,  who  partake  of  it.  This  was 
the  crucial  test  and  would  reveal  whether  Bucer  and 
his  friends,  in  their  previous  declaration  of  the  real 
presence,  meant  a  bodily  or  merely  a  spiritual  presence 
of  Christ.  On  the  next  day,  the  conference  having 
been  postponed  till  that  time  on  account  of  Luther's 
ill-health,  Bucer  gave  his  reply  and  said  in  liis  own 
name  and  in  that  of  his  friends,  that  the  bread  of  tlic 
Lord's  Supper  is  truly  the  body  of  Christ,  and  is  truly 
received  not  onlv  with  the  heart  but  with  the  mouth; 
and  that  he  had  meant  to  deny  only  the  local  i)resence 
and  the  gross  natural  eating  of  the  Lord's  body.    With 


136  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

this  confession  Luther  and  his  friends  were  highly 
pleased ;  Bucer  and  Capito  began  to  weep ;  and  all 
thanked  God  that  a  union  had  finally  been  eftected. 

On  May  29th,  the  Wittenberg  Form  of  Concord, 
drawn  up  by  the  skilful  pen  of  Melanchthon,  was 
signed  by  both  parties.  It  declared,  first,  that  there 
were  two  things  in  the  sacrament,  the  heavenly  and 
the  earthly  elements ;  and  that  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  are  really  and  essentially  present  with  the  bread 
and  wine,  not  locally,  but  sacramentally ;  secondly, 
that  the  Romish  doctrine  of  trans ubstantiation  was 
false ;  and  thirdly,  that  even  the  unworthy  receive  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ  in  the  sacrament,  but  receive 
it  to  their  condemnation.  This  Wittenberg  Form  of 
Concord  was  received  everywhere  by  the  Protestants 
with  great  satisfaction.  Even  the  Swiss,  to  a  large  ex- 
tent, agreed  to  it.  Melanchthon,  as  may  be  supposed, 
heartly  rejoiced  over  it.  It  gave  promise  of  rest  from 
controversy  for  years  to  come,  and  healed  in  a  great 
measure  the  divisions  which  had  existed  in  the  Pro- 
testant camp. 

After  the  conclusion  of  these  negotiations,  Melanch- 
thon concluded  to  carry  out  a  long-cherished  plan,  and 
travel  to  Tuebino^en  and  Bretten.  There  were  some 
family  matters  about  which,  in  the  interest  of  his 
children,  he  desired  to  speak  with  his  brother.  Be- 
sides this,  his  friend  Camerarius  lay  dangerously  ill  at 
Tuebingen  and  desired  to  see  him.  The  elector  will- 
ingly gave  his  consent  and  offered  him  the  use  of  a 
horse  and  carriage  for  the  journey. 

But  just  as  he  was  about  to  depart,  an  event  occurred 
which  delayed  his  journey  for  a  month.     A  new  pope. 


JOURNEY    TO    TUEBINGEN.  l37 

Paul  III,  had  ascended  the  throne,  and  now  summoned 
a  council  to  convene  in  Mantua  in  May  of  the  follow- 
ing year.  The  elector  was  greatly  perplexed  to  know 
how  he  should  act;  and  called  upon  the  Wittenberg 
theologians  to  advise  him  what  he  ought  to  do,  if,  as  a 
rumor  had  it,  a  papal  nuncio  should  come  to  Weimar. 
Melanchthon  showed  from  the  history  of  the  Church 
that  this  council,  being  by  no  means  a  free  and  general 
one,  might  be  wholly  repudiated ;  but  he  recommended 
that,  for  appearance's  sake,  this  should  not  be  done, 
because  the  Protestants  had  so  frequently  appealed  to 
a  council,  and  a  refusal  to  recognize  this  one  would  be 
used  as  an  argument  against  them  by  their  enemies. 
He  thought  it  would  be  ^\dser  simply  to  protest  against 
having  the  pope  as  the  judge.  But  the  elector  thought 
differently.  He  even  suggested  the  holding  of  an  op- 
position council.  With  his  own  hand  he  wrote  on  the 
paper  at  the  bottom  of  Luther's  opinion,  that  the  best 
thing  to  do  would  be  to  send  some  one  to  the  border 
of  his  dominions  to  tell  the  papal  nuncio  to  be  gone ; 
because  "  the  pope  is  not  the  head  of  the  Church,  but 
the  worst  foe  of  evangelical  believers  ;  and  in  summon- 
ing a  council  he  is  seeking  nothing  else,  but  to  fortify 
his  anti-Christian  power  and  destroy  the  Lutherans." 

When  this  matter  had  l)eeii  decided,  Melanchtlion, 
on  August  25th,  started  upon  his  journey.  He  was 
accompanied  by  Jacob  Milichius,  a  fellow-professor, 
who  intended  to  go  to  liis  native  city  of  Freiburg. 
Proceeding  by  way  of  Frankfort  and  Bretten,  Me- 
lanchthon arrived  in  Tuebingen,  Se})tember  24th. 
He  remained  here  three  weeks  enjoying  the  society 
of  his  bosom  friend,  Camerarius,  who  was  now  quite 


138 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


restored  to  health.  Duke  Ilh^ich,  of  Wiirttemberg, 
again  offered  Mehmchthon  a  professorship  in  the  uni- 
versity. But,  as  he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to 
leave  Wittenberg,  he  declined.     He  went,  however,  to 


John  Brenz. 


the  duke's  court  at  Nuertingen  and  consulted  with 
him  about  the  university.  He  also  wrote  a  letter  to 
Brenz,  and  begged  of  him  to  accept  a  professorship  at 
Tuebingen,  for  one  year  at  least,  for  the  sake  of  the 
good  which  might  be  accomplished.  Brenz  consented 
and  removed  to  Tuebingen.     The  duke  treated  Me- 


ACCUSED    OF    HERESY.  139 

lanchtlion  very  kindly  and   gave  him  a  present  of  one 
liundred  florins. 

Melanclithon  now  began  his  journey  homeward. 
At  jN^uremberg  lie  tarried  for  a  few  days  with  his 
friends  Banmgartner,  Ebner,  Dietrich,  Roting  and 
Osiander.  While  here,  he  prepared  an  opinion  on 
Private  Confession,  because  a  controversy  raged  in 
Nuremberg  on  that  subject,  and  his  friend  Osiander 
was  involved  in  it.  Then  he  proceeded  to  Witten- 
berg. He  was  destined  to  find  trouble  awaiting  him. 
During  his  absence,  Cruciger  had  delivered  a  lecture 
in  which  he  said,  that  good  works  are  a  "  sine  qua 
non"*  of  salvation.  Conrad  Cordatus,  a  preacher  in 
!Niemegk,  who  was  present  at  the  lecture,  took  Cruci- 
ger to  task  for  using  that  expression.  In  defending 
himself  against  the  charge  of  heresy,  Cruciger  said 
that  the  words  were  those  of  Melanchthon  himself. 
We  have  seen  in  a  former  chapter  that  Melanchthon 
olten  wrote  the  lectures  for  other  professors.  It  ap- 
peared that  this  particular  lecture  had  been  arranged 
and  written  out  by  him.  The  very  words  in  dispute 
were  down  in  black  and  white  in  his  own  handwrit- 
ing. When  Cordatus  discovered  this,  he  went  to 
Luther  and  accused  ^lelanchthon  of  heresy.  It  is  not 
known  what  Luther  said  in  rejjly.  Xo  doubt  for  Me- 
lanchthon's  sake  he  desired  to  avoid  controversy,  if 
possible.  While  Melanchthon  was  still  upon  his  jour- 
ney, he  heard  of  the  matter,  and  wrote  a  letter  in  ex- 
planation and  justification  of  his  words.  He  claimed 
that  his  words  had  been  wrongly  interpreted,  that  lie 
had  no  intention  of  teaching  difi'erently  from  Luther 


*  An  indispensable  condition. 


140  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

himself,  and  that   he  did  not  mean   to  say  that  good 
works  earned  or  merited  eternal  life. 

On  I^ovember  5th,  he  arrived  in  Wittenberg  and 
immediately  wrote  a  friendly  and  conciliatory  letter  to 
Cordatus.  But  it  did  not  accomplish  much  good. 
Cordatus  refused  to  let  the  matter  rest,  and  finally  re- 
ferred it  for  decision  to  Jonas,  the  rector  of  the  uni- 
versity. Other  events,  however,  were  now  at  hand, 
which  left  the  Wittenbergers  neither  leisure  nor  de- 
sire to  pursue  this  matter  any  further. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

THE    CONVENTION    AT    SCHMALCALD.       ATTACKS    UPON 
MELANCHTHON.       1537-1539. 

S  the  pope  insisted  on  his  project  of  holding  a 
council  at  Mantua,  it  was  necessary  for  the 
Protestants  to  decide  whether  they  would 
attend  or  not.  Accordingly,  they  held  a  convention 
for  this  purpose  at  Schmalcald  on  February  7,  1537. 
At  the  elector's  request,  Luther  prepared  a  paper 
which  has  become  known  as  the  Schmalcald  Articles, 
and  which  forms  one  of  the  confessional  symbols  of 
the  Lutheran  Church.  It  was  divided  into  three 
parts.  The  first  treated  of  those  points  on  which  there 
existed  no  controversy,  and  the  treatment  of  these 
therefore  was  very  brief.  The  second  treated  of  the 
Office  and  Work  of  Jesus  Christ  or  of  Our  Redemp- 
tion, and  contained  the  articles  which  were  disputed 


THE  CONVENTION  AT  SCHMALCALD.        141 

by  the  Roman  Catholics  and  which  would  come  up 
before  a  council.  This  second  part  treated  of  Justifi- 
cation, Mass,  Invocation  of  the  Saints,  Charitable 
Institutions  and  Cloisters,  and  the  Papacy.  It  uncon- 
ditionally rejected  the  primacy  of  the  pope,  as  unscrip- 
tural  and  incompatible  with  true  Christianity.  The 
third  part  treated  of  the  Law,  Repentance,  the  Gospel, 
Baptism,  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  Office  of  the  Keys, 
Confession,  Excommunication,  Ordination,  Marriage 
of  the  Priests,  the  Church,  Justification  and  Good 
Works,  Monastic  Yows  and  Human  Ordinances. 

These  articles  were  approved  and  signed  by  the 
theologians.  In  adding  his  signature,  Melanchthon 
Avrote  as  follows  :  "I,  Philip  Melanchthon,  approve 
the  above  articles  as  pious  and  Christian.  Of  the 
pope,  however,  I  hold,  that  if  he  would  allow  the  Gos- 
pel, then  the  superiority  which  he  now  possesses  over 
the  bishops,  might,  by  human  law,  for  the  sake  of 
peace  and  of  the  general  tranquillity  of  those  Chris- 
tians who  now  do  or  may  in  time  to  come  live  under 
him,  be  conceded  to  him  also  by  us."  Of  course,  such 
an  evangelically  minded  pope  as  he  had  in  view  was 
not  likely  to  sit  upon  the  papal  throne.  But  if  it 
might  yet  be  possible  for  such  a  one  to  be  found,  then 
Melanchthon  thought  that,  as  a  matter  of  outward 
order  and  government,  tlie  retention  of  the  office 
would  be  good  for  the  welfare  of  the  Church. 

Toward  the  end  of  January,  1537,  Melanchthon,  to- 
gether with  Luther  and  Bugenhagen,  left  Wittenberg 
and  arrived  at  Schmalcald,  February  7th.  Eight  days 
later  the  Convention  of  Schmalcald  was  opened.  Soon 
after  his  arrival,  Luther  was  seized  with  a  severe  attack 


142 


LIFE    OF    MELANCIITHON. 


of  illness  and  was  obliged  to  return  home.     But  as  he 


o 
02 


passed  out  of  the   gates  of  the  city,  he   said  to  the 
friends  who  had  accompanied  him  tlius  far :    "  May 


THE    CONVENTION    AT    SCIIMALCALD.  143 

God  till  you  with  hatred  against  the  pope/'  The 
convention  fulfilled  liis  wishes.  It  resolved  upon  a 
formal  separation  from  the  Romish  Chureli  and  a 
repudiation  of  its  authority.  Melanchthon  alone  rec- 
ommended that  the  jurisdiction  of  a  council  should 
not  be  absolutely  denied;  because  the  pope  had  the 
right  to.  call  a  council,  and  it  might  be  possible  after 
all  to  have  the  decision  entrusted  to  impartial  judges. 
But  the  majority  of  the  convention  argued  that,  with 
his  great  power,  the  pope  would  force  himself  upon 
them  as  the  judge,  if  a  council  were  held.  Melanchthon 
realized  the  danger  which  his  advice  involved,  and  re- 
luctantly yielded. 

A  resolution  was  passed  that,  in  addition  to  the  ar- 
ticles prepared  by  Luther,  a  separate  paper  should  be 
drawn  up  on  "  the  power  and  primacy  of  the  pope," 
and  that  this  should  serve  to  give  the  reasons  why 
they  refused  to  submit  their  cause  to  the  decision  of  a 
council.  As  usual,  it  w^as  Melanchthon  wdio  was  en- 
trusted w^ith  this  task.  He  drew  up  a  document  in 
which  he  proved  that  the  pope  was  not  by  any  divine 
right  the  head  of  the  Church,  and  that  consequently 
he  had  no  absolute  claim  to  obedience;  that  tlu'  ofHce 
of  the  bishops  was  only  a  human  regulation  and  iniglit 
be  abolished.  It  was  sio^ned  l)v  tlie  theoloii-ians  and 
pastors  present  at  the  convention,  and  delivered  to  the 
papal  nuncio  and  the  imperial  ambassador.  Then, 
when  the  theologians  had  recommended  to  the  princes 
a  l)etter  and  more  conscientious  use  of  tlie  property 
and  possessions  of  the  Church,  the  convention  ad- 
journed. 

Melanchthon  set  out  for  Wittenberg.     On  the  way 


144  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

thither  he  met  Luther,  who  was  now  restored  to 
health,  and  they  returned  to  the  city  together.  Me- 
lanchthon's  heart  was  filled  with  joy  over  Luther's  re- 
covery, and  in  his  letters  he  called  on  all  his  friends  to 
rejoice  and  thank  God  for  the  restoration  of  this  man 
whose  life  was  so  precious  to  the  Church. 

Hardly  had  he  returned  to  Wittenberg  when  he  re- 
ceived from  Cordatus  a  letter  accusing  him  of  taking 
Cruciger's  part.  This  was  true.  Melanchthon  could 
not  well  have  done  otherwise,  because  the  words  to 
which  objection  was  made  were  written  by  him.  He 
therefore  invited  Cordatus  to  an  interview.  But  in- 
stead of  coming  as  requested,  Cordatus  wrote  a  letter 
to  Justus  Jonas,  rector  of  the  university,  demanding 
that  Cruciger  publicly  recant  his  error.  Jonas  tried 
to  quiet  Cordatus,  and  even  intimated  to  him  that 
vanity  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  matter.  Thereupon 
Cordatus  wrote  to  Chancellor  Brueck,  lamenting  that 
there  were  "  so  many  at  Wittenberg  who  antagonized 
the  blessed  teaching  of  the  pious  man  Luther,  who, 
after  all,  is  the  only  Doctor  in  these  things."  Luther 
himself  seems  to  have  taken  the  matter  rather  coolly. 
But  at  the  same  time,  when,  on  June  4,  1537,  at  a 
promotion  to  the  doctorate,  the  discussion  of  the  doc- 
trine of  good  works  came  up,  he  felt  constrained  to 
declare  that  the  expression,  "  good  works  are  necessary 
to  salvation,"  was  untenable.  Melanchthon  himself 
afterward  saw  that  while  he  meant  the  formula  to  be 
understood  in  the  sense  that  good  works  are  necessary 
as  the  fruit  of  faith  or  as  commanded  by  God,  it  was 
liable  to  misinterpretation;  and  therefore  he  aban- 
doned it. 


ATTACKS    UPON    MELANCHTHON.  145 

About  the  same  time,  Melanchthon  was  involved  in 
another  difficulty  of  a  similar  nature.  Indeed,  we 
may  say,  from  this  time  until  his  death,  he  was  almost 
continually  the  object  of  attack  by  friend  or  foe. 
His  whole  subsequent  life  was  embittered  by  the  dif- 
iiculties  in  which  he  successively  became  involved.  In 
the  spring  of  1537,  Jacob  Schenck  of  Freiberg  wrote 
to  Jonas  and  Melanchthon  for  advice.  He  asked 
whether  he  ought  to  distribute  the  communion  in  both 
kinds  even  against  the  will  of  the  authorities.  Jonas 
prudently  made  no  reply.  But  Melanchthon  good- 
naturedly  sent  on  his  contidential  opinion,  that  under 
certain  circumstances  one  kind  alone  mio^ht  be  dis- 
tributed.  Schenck  was  dissatisfied  with  the  reply, 
sent  it  to  the  elector,  and  accused  Melanchthon  of 
heresy.  Here  was  another  sore  trial.  Melanchthon 
became  thoroughly  discouraged  and  wrote  to  Brenz, 
that  he  was  contending  with  a  hydra,  and  that,  when 
he  had  struck  oft*  one  of  its  heads,  two  others  sprang 
up  in  its  place. 

The  elector  began  to  be  concerned  about  these  mat- 
ters, and  through  his  Chancellor,  Dr.  Brueck,  made 
written  inquiry  of  Luther  and  Bugenhagen  whether  it 
was  true,  as  reported,  that  Melanchthon  and  Cruciger 
and  many  students  and  pastors  dift'ered  from  tliem  in 
some  doctrines.  In  the  fall  of  the  year  he  came  in 
person  to  Wittenberg.  Schenck  also  was  expected. 
But  as  he  did  not  put  in  his  appearance,  the  elector 
dispatched  his  chancellor  for  a  private  interview  with 
Luther.  The  substance  of  Brueck's  report  was  about 
as  follows :  "Dr.  Martin  declared  that  he  would  not 
have  believed   that    Mclaiichtlion   would   cling  so  tc- 

10 


146  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

naciously  to  his  phantasies.  Luther,"  he  said,  "  seemed 
to  be  troubled  because  he  could  not  tell  how  Philip 
regarded  the  sacrament,  and  because  it  looked  as  if 
Melanchthon,  since  his  return  from  Cassel,  had  be- 
come almost  Zwinglian  in  his  views.  Luther  did  not 
know  what  Philip  believed  in  his  heart,  but  it  seemed 
strange  that  he  should  recommend  the  giving  of  the 
sacrament  in  one  kind.  If  Melanchthon  persisted  in 
this  opinion,  then  the  Word  of  God  must  come  first. 
He  would  pray  for  Philip.  If,  for  the  sake  of  tyrants 
and  of  the  preservation  of  the  peace,  the  sacrament 
might  be  administered  in  one  kind,  it  would  be  neces- 
sary, on  the  same  principle,  to  concede  justification  by 
works.  I  think,"  added  the  chancellor,  "  that  it  would 
do  no  harm  if  Dr.  Martin  should  speak  earnestly  and 
cordially  with  Philip." 

Matters  actually  proceeded  so  far  that  Melanchthon 
was  to  be  cited  to  appear  and  answer  to  the  charge  of 
heresy.  On  October  13th,  he  wrote  to  Yeit  Dietrich : 
"  Yesterday  I  heard  that  several  articles  were  to  be 
presented  to  me  for  subscription.  I  have  no  definite 
information ;  everything  is  kept  secret.  I  fervently 
hope  that,  if  they  are  displeased,  they  will  bring  their 
complaints  openly  and  frankly.  I  have  to-day  pre- 
pared a  defence  of  myself.  I  shall  show  why,  in  cer- 
tain doctrines,  I  have  more  fully  defined  this  or  that 
point ;  namely,  in  order  that  dangerous,  equivocal  and 
vague  expressions  might  be  avoided.  I  shall  show 
that,  in  doing  this,  I  have  not  sought  to  originate  a 
new  sect  or  secretly  to  fight  against  Luther,  but  to  ac- 
complish these  two  purposes  :  first,  to  provide  for  the 
youth,  simple,  clear    and  well-defined   instruction   in 


ATTACKS    UPON    MELANCHTHON. 


147 


Christian  doctrine ;  and  secondly,  to  promote  the 
study  of  the  other  branches  of  learnini!;-."  Bnt  on  the 
day  which  had  been  appointed  for  the  liearing,  Luther 
was  taken  ilh     Soon  afterward  Sclienck   joined  Agri- 


Veit  Dietrich. 

cola,  the  antinomian ;  and  this  whole  matter,  wliidi 
threatened  to  become  a  very  unpleasant  business,  was 
dropped. 

But  Melanchtlion's  troubles  still  continiicfl  to  multi- 
ply.     Tn  the  summer  of  1 ')o(S   he  was    m.ide  rector  of 


148  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

the  university.  It  became  a  part  of  his  duties  to  act 
as  censor  of  the  press.  But  hardly  had  he  assumed 
his  new  office,  when  a  young  Magister  of  Wittenberg, 
Simon  Lemnius,  pubhshed  a  small  volume  of  epi- 
grams, in  which  he  ridiculed  some  prominent  citizens 
of  the  town  and  some  of  the  professors,  among  them 
being  Luther  and  Melanchthon.  A  great  hue  and 
cry  was  raised  against  Melanchthon,  and  he  was  not 
only  blamed  for  permitting  the  publication  to  appear, 
but  accused  of  complicity  in  it.  To  make  matters 
worse  the  book  highly  lauded  Archbishop  Albert  of 
Mayence  as  a  patron  of  the  Muses.  It  was  this  Avhich 
particularly  incensed  Luther.  "■  This  lampooner,"  he 
exclaimed,  "  praises  that  miserable  town-clerk  of  Halle 
(Archbishop  Albert),  and  makes  a  saint  out  of  the 
devil." 

Melanchthon  did  all  that  lay  in  his  power  to  clear 
himself  of  the  unjust  suspicion  which  rested  upon  him. 
He  forbade  the  author  of  the  lampoon  to  leave  the 
city ;  and  when  Lemnius  nevertheless  took  refuge  in 
flight  and  failed  to  appear  in  answer  to  a  citation, 
Melanchthon  forbade  him  tp.  return  to  AVittenberg. 
He  also  wrote  to  the  elector,  stating  that  while  he  was 
to  blame  for  not  reading  the  book  through  before  per- 
mitting it  to  be  published,  he  had  not  intentionally 
committed  any  wrong;  that  the  very  fact  that  Me- 
lanchthon himself  and  his  wife  were  attacked  ought  to 
clear  him  of  all  suspicion  of  complicity  in  the  work. 

These  successive  annoyances  disturbed  him  greatly. 
He  wrote  to  his  friend  Camerarius  that  he  would  leave 
the  city  if  he  had  not  so  recently  accepted  the  office 
of  rector.     Indeed  it  would  appear  that  Melanchthon 


ATTACKS    UPON    MELANCIITHON.  149 

was  regarded  on  nearly  all  sides  as  a  suitable  object 
of  attack  upon  one  pretext  or  another.  The  most  in- 
nocent occasions  were  turned  against  him  by  his  ene- 
mies. Thus,  in  the  summer  of  1537,  he  had  received 
a  letter  from  Cardinal  Jacob  Sadoletus,  an  eminent 
writer  of  Italy,  who  extolled  Melanchthon's  services  in 
the  cause  of  classical  learning.  Although  Melanchthon 
did  not  even  answer  this  letter,  yet  there  were  many 
who  took  ofteiice  at  it.  Instead  of  rejoicing  that  his 
distinguished  merits  had  extorted  praise  even  from  his 
enemies,  they  spoke  as  if  they  thought  that  it  was  not 
at  all  impossible  that  this  letter  would  incline  him  to 
regard  the  papists  more  favorably.  The  sensitive  na- 
ture of  Melanchthon  suffered  exceedingly  under  these 
successive  accusations,  insinuations  and  attacks.  He 
often  felt  as  if  he  would  like  to  go  elsewhere  in  order 
to  be  rid  of  these  vexations.  But  he  deemed  it  his 
duty  to  remain  and  not  become  the  cause  of  any  split 
in  the  evangelical  party.  In  1539  he  wrote  to  Came- 
rarius  :  "  Here  I  am,  bound  and  fixed  to  Mount  Cau- 
casus. Pangs  of  mind  of  the  sharpest  kind,  which 
for  three  long  years  I  have  borne  continuously,  and 
other  daily  burdens,  have  so  consumed  me  that  I  fear 
I  cannot  live  long." 


150  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

THE  FRANKFORT  SUSPENSION.        LABORS  IN  DUCAL  SAXONY 

AND  BRANDENBURG.        SECOND  CONVENTION  AT 

SCHMALCALD.       THE  LANDGRAVE's  BIGAMY. 

MELANCHTHON  AT  DEATH'S  DOOR. 

1539-1540. 

¥EAXWHILE  the  political  sky  was  dark 
with  overhanging  clouds.  A  "  Holy 
League"  of  Roman  Catholic  princes  had 
been  formed  at  ISTuremberg  in  1538  with  the  avowed 
purpose  of  sustaining  the  imperial  chamber  in  its  pro- 
ceedings against  the  Protestants.  Opposed  to  it  stood 
the  Schmalcald  League ;  and  a  war  seemed  inevitable. 
But  at  this  juncture  the  emperor  was  greatly  in  need 
of  the  aid  of  the  Protestants  against  Soliman  the 
Turk.  The  Electors  of  Brandenburg  and  the  Palatin- 
ate offered  to  act  as  mediators,  and  a  convention  was 
held  at  Frankfort. 

On  January  31,  1539,  Melanchthon  started  for  that 
city ;  but  he  took  little  active  part  in  the  proceedings 
of  the  convention.  For  a  long  time  no  agreement  could 
be  reached.  The  Protestants  demanded  a  permanent 
peace,  which  should  under  no  circumstances  be  dis- 
turbed ;  and  asked  that  the  Imperial  Chamber  consist 
of  an  equal  number  of  Protestant  and  Roman  Catho- 
lic members.  But  on  April  5th,  Melanchthon  wrote 
to   Camerarius :    "We  are  here  weaving  the  veil  of 


THE    FRANKFORT    SUSPENSION.  151 

Penelope.  Hardly  have  we  rejected  one  basis  of  peace, 
when  another  is  laid  l)efore  us  which  differs  from  the 
preceding  only  in  words  and  not  in  meaning.  I  hope 
that  the  empire  may  remain  at  peace ;  but  as  yet  no 
reasonable  conditions  could  be  obtained  from  the  im- 
perial orator.  He  demands  that  we  shall  receive  no 
new  confederates;  and  this  outrageous  demand  is 
brought  forward  again  and  again  with  new  sophistries, 
although  it  has  been  rejected  so  often.  Tliis  is  the 
whole  history  of  the  convention.  At  first  I  disputed 
over  various  points  ;  but  after  the  imperial  orator  made 
such  unreasonable  demands,  I  ceased  disputing.  If  no 
truce  is  concluded,  we  shall  make  public  the  reasons 
why  we  rejected  these  demands." 

It  was  for  this  latter  purpose  that  Melanchthon  was 
commissioned  to  draw  up,  in  the. German  language, 
three  papers.  The  first  was  to  treat  of  the  right  of 
defence  in  case  the  Protestants  were  attacked;  the 
second  was  to  show  that  upright  persons  could  not 
take  up  arms  against  them ;  the  third,  that  all  the 
godly  must  assist  them.  Having  finished  these,  he 
also  wrote  to  Henry  VIII.  of  England.  That  ruler 
had  sent  Christopher  Mount,  as  his  ambassador,  to 
Frankfort  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  the  evangeli- 
cal states.  ^lelanchthon  exhorted  the  king  to  abolish 
the  remainino;  Romish  abuses  in  the  Church  of  En<r- 
land.  .  Louis  von  Baumbach  and  the  Saxon  vice-clian- 
cellor,  Francis  Burkhard,  were  sent  to  treat  with 
Henry,  and  carried  Melanchthon's  letter  with  them. 
The  king  received  them  kindly,  but  could  no^t  hv  in- 
duced to  reform  the  Church  in  an  evangelical  manner. 
The  letter  was  only  coldly  received.     Consequently, 


152 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHOX. 


the   elector  refused  to   listen  to   any  proposals  for  a 


Henry  VIII.  of  England. 


journey  of  Melanchthon  to  England.     He  feared  noth- 
ing would  be  acconiplislied.     Henry  VIH.  was  very 


LABORS  IX  DUCAL  SAXONY.  153 

headstrong,  and,  to  make  matters  worse,  imagined 
himself  to  be  a  great  theologian.  The  quality  of  his 
learning,  however,  may  he  judged  from  some  of  the 
arguments  which  he  employed.  Thus  he  maintained, 
for  instance :  Because  evil  works  merit  eternal  wrath, 
therefore  it  follows  that  good  works  merit  eternal  sal- 
vation. And  again,  concerning  the  marriage  of  priests 
he  argued  :  If  the  king  has  the  power  to  pass  an  ordi- 
nance that,  so  long  as  a  man  is  stationed  at  court,  he 
dare  not  marry,  the  king  also  has  the  power  to  forbid 
the  priests  to  marry.  These  arguments  he  considered 
unansAverable. 

On  April  19th,  the  Frankfort  Suspension  was  agreed 
upon.  In  accordance  with  this  agreement  the  im- 
perial orator  or  vice-chancellor  was  to  suspend  for  a 
period  of  eighteen  months  all  proceedings  against  the 
Protestants,  and  a  religious  discussion  of  doctrines  and 
usages  was  to  be  held  during  the  summer  of  the  same 
year. 

On  April  20th,  Melanchthon  departed  from  Frank- 
fort, and  was  immediately  employed  in  aiding  the 
cause  of  the  Reformation  in  the  dukedom  of  Saxony. 
Early  in  January  of  this  year,  he  had  gone  to  Leipzig 
in  company  with  Brueck  and  Bucer  to  consult  with 
George  von  Carlowitz  and  a  renegade  Protestant 
preacher,  George  TV^izel,  concerning  the  introduction 
of  the  Reformation.  But  it  soon  beeame  a[)parent 
that  Duke  George  would  not  accept  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, but  only  the  teachings  of  the  Chunli  during  tin- 
first  eight  or  nine  centuries  of  its  history,  as  the  stand- 
ard aceordin«:  to  which  reforms  were  to  be  made. 
Nothing,  therefore,  had  been  accomplished.     But  on 


154  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

April  17th,  Duke  George  died  and  was  succeeded  bj 
his  brother  Henry.  This  prince  desired  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  Reformation  into  his  dominions,  and  held 
a  consultation  for  that  purpose  with  the  elector  at 
Annaburg.  In  returning  to  Wittenberg,  Melanch- 
thon  came  by  way  of  Annaburg  and  took  part  in  the 
deliberations.  In  May  he  w^ent  to  Leipzig  and  was 
present  there  when,  at  the  festival  of  Pentecost,  the 
evangelical  service  was  used  for  the  first  time.  On 
May  28th,  he  made  public  a  paper  on  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  Leipzig  LTniversity,  and  maintained  that  it 
was  highly  necessary  to  inaugurate  the  teaching  of 
sound  doctrine  and  to  obtain  professors  who  were 
equal  to  the  task.  A  great  disputation  took  place  on 
June  20th  between  Cruciger  and  Myconius  on  the  one 
side  and  the  Dominicans  on  the  other.  The  Domini- 
cans were  worsted,  and  in  the  following  l^ovember  the 
university  formally  cut  itself  loose  from  Roman  Catho- 
licism. It  was  high  time  for  such  a  step.  The  uni- 
versity had  been  rapidly  losing  ground  by  its  obstinate 
adherence  to  Romish  errors.  Its  former  glory  and 
prestige  were  in  danger  of  being  wholly  lost.  A 
thorough  reformation  of  the  institution,  requiring 
several  years,  was  now  undertaken ;  and  Melanchthon 
rendered  valuable  services  in  bringing  it  about.  To 
his  great  joy,  his  bosom  friend,  Joachim  Camerarius, 
was  called  to  Leipzig  as  one  of  the  new  professors, 
and  the  two  friends  could  now  frequently  visit  one 
another. 

The  greater  part  of  July  Melanchthon  spent  in 
visiting  some  of  the  churches  in  the  duke's  dominions. 
He  found  them  in  a  deplorable  condition.     At  many 


LABORS  IN  DUCAL  SAXONY  AND  BRANDENBURG.   155 

places  it  was  impossible  to  find  a  man  to  whom  the 
care  of  souls  might  be  entrusted.  Many  pastors  had 
to  he  brought  from  other  regions  as  a  temporary 
supply. 

In  the  fall  of  this  same  year  Melanchthon,  at  the  in- 
vitation of  Elector  Joachim  II.  of  Brandenburii:,  trav- 
eled  to  Berlin  to  assist  in  tlie  introduction  of  the 
Reformation  in  that  ruler's  territory.  On  arriving, 
October  12th,  he  found  a  form  of  discipline  intro- 
duced which  still  contained  many  Bomish  errors.  He 
directed  the  elector's  attention  to  them,  and  prepared 
a  new  one  which  was  more  in  accord  w^ith  the  spirit 
of  the  Gospel  and  was  largely  modeled  after  that  of 
Nuremberg.  Even  this  new  order  allowed  a  number 
of  Bomish  practices  to  stand,  because  the  people  were 
not  yet  strong  enough  in  the  faith  to  abolish  all.  Me- 
lanchthon wrote  to  Yeit  Dietrich,  however,  that  pri- 
vate masses  and  the  invocation  of  the  saints  were 
abolished,  priests  were  permitted  to  marry,  the  Lord's 
Supper  was  administered  in  both  kinds,  and  the  preach- 
ing of  the  pure  Gospel  was  enjoined. 

After  these  labors  were  completed  and  Melanchthon 
had  returned  to  Wittenberg,  he  found  his  family 
plunged  in  deep  distress.  His  brother-in-law,  Sebald 
Muenster,  together  with  that  jurist's  wife,  had  been 
suddenly  taken  off  by  the  plague.  The  shock  which 
this  news  gave  to  his  iil ready  overtaxed  system 
brought  Melanchthon  to  the  verge  of  the  grave.  His 
friends  despaired  of  his  recovery.  He  himself  believed 
that  his  hour  had  come  ;  and  he  therefore  prepared  a 
will.  In  this  will,  lie  maintained  liis  adherence  to  the 
evangelical  truth  which  Luther  had  brought  to  light. 


156  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

exhorted  his  children  to  be  faithful  to  the  Gospel  and 
to  beware  of  the  papacy,  and  expressed  his  gratitude 
to  his  spiritual  father  Dr.  Luther,  and  to  many  friends, 
the  elector,  Dr.  Brueck,  Camerarius,  Burkard,  Jonas, 
Cruciger  and  others.  That  portion  of  the  will  which 
refers  to  Luther  reads  :  "  I  desire  to  thank  the  vener- 
able Dr.  Martin  Luther,  because  I  have  learned  the 
Gospel  from  him,  and  to  express  my  gratitude  for  the 
many  kindnesses  which  he  has  shown  me ;  and  I  de- 
sire that  he  shall  be  regarded  by  my  family  as  a 
father;  for  I  have  seen  and  experienced  with  what 
eminent  and  truly  heroic  qualities  of  mind  and  soul, 
with  what  great  and  noble  \drtues,  and  what  extraor- 
dinary piet}^  this  man  is  endowed  by  God."  But  to 
the  great  joy  of  his  friends,  Melanchthon  rallied  and 
recovered  his  health.  Shortly  afterwards  he  published 
his  "  Commentary  on  the  Soul,"  one  of  his  most  beau- 
tiful works. 

On  February  18,  1540,  Melanchthon  started  for 
Schmalcald  to  attend  a  second  convention  to  be  held 
at  that  place.  The  purpose  of  this  convention  was  to 
consult  with  regard  to  the  religious  conference  ap- 
pointed to  be  held  at  Speyer.  As  early  as  January 
18th,  the  elector  had  requested  the  theologians  to  pre- 
pare an  opinion,  as  to  "  whether  the  evangelical  princes 
might  conclude  a  worldly  peace  with  the  bishops;  and 
in  what  and  how  far  the  princes  might  yield  in  the  ap- 
proaching religious  discussion."  The  task  of  writing 
this  opinion  devolved  again  upon  Melanchthon.  The 
document  which  he  prepared  was  divided  into  three 
parts,  and  treated  of  Doctrines,  External  Essential 
Matters,  and  External  l^on-Essential  Matters  (Adia- 


THE    landgrave's    BIGAMY.  157 

phora).  It  declared,  that  in  doctrinal  matters  they 
could  not  depart  from  the  Augsburg  Confession;  that 
in  external  essential  matters,  such  as  the  abolition  of 
private  masses,  of  the  canon  of  the  mass,  of  monastic 
vows,  of  the  celibacy  of  the  priesthood,  of  the  invoca- 
tion of  the  saints,  and  of  all  superstitious  ceremonies, 
nothing  could  be  yielded ;  but  if  the  bishops  would 
accept  these  two  articles  already  laid  down,  arrange- 
ments might  be  made  respecting  the  non-essential 
matters,  such  as  the  power  of  the  bishops,  ordination, 
reading,  singing,  holidays  and  others  like  them.  This 
document  Avas  sent  to  !N"uremberg  and  then  brought  to 
Schmalcald,  where,  after  a  thorough  discussion,  it  was 
approved  and  signed  by  the  theologians,  ^lelanchthon 
also  prepared  another  opinion  in  which  he  condemned 
the  erroneous  doctrines  of  the  mystics,  Sebastian 
Franck  and  Caspar  Schw^enkfeldt.  This  was  signed 
by  the  theologians ;  and  then  the  convention  ad- 
journed. 

Melanchthon's  mind  at  this  time  was  greatly  troubled 
over  the  aftairs  of  Philip  of  Ilesse.  Toward  the  end 
of  IN'ovember,  1539,  Martin  Bucer  had  come  to  Wit- 
tenberg to  seek  advice  for  that  ruler  in  a  matter  of 
conscience.  This  prince,  who  was  possessed  of  many 
excellent  traits,  had,  for  various  reasons,  become  alien- 
ated from  his  wife,  and  desired,  in  order  to  avoid 
greater  evil,  to  marry  a  second  wife  with  the  consent 
of  the  tirst.  Luther  and  ^[elanchthon  gave  him  a 
secret  confessor's  advice,  endeavored  to  dissuade  him, 
for  his  own  and  the  Gospel's  sake,  from  such  a  course, 
and  exhorted  him  that,  if  he  insisted  on  taking  such  a 
step,  he  should  keep  it  a  profound  secret.     On  March 


158  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

3,  1540,  the  landgrave  was  secretly  married  to  Mar- 
garet von  der  Saale  at  the  castle  of  Rothenburg  on  the 
Fulda.  Melanchthon,  who  was  attending  the  con- 
vention at  Schmalcald,  was  persuaded,  by  some  pre- 
text, to  come  to  Rothenburg,  and  was  an  unwilling 
witness  of  the  ceremony.  He  was,  of  course,  greatly 
chagrined  and  hurt  by  this  trick  of  the  prince.  But 
that  did  not  mend  matters.  The  fact  of  the  marriage 
was  soon  noised  abroad — the  bride's  mother  herself 
divulged  it, — and  a  great  stir  arose.  The  landgrave 
wrote  that,  in  case  of  emergency,  he  would  make  pub- 
lic the  advice  of  Luther  and  Melanchthon.  The  Hes- 
sian theologians  at  a  meeting  with  those  of  Saxony 
advised  that  the  marriage  be  published.  But  Luther 
took  them  so  severely  to  task,  "  that  the  water  ran 
down  their  cheeks."  For  a  time  the  landgrave  was 
silent  under  the  scandal  caused  by  his  action.  But 
when  he  saw  that  public  opinion  condemned  him 
more  and  more,  he  published,  through  Bucer,  an 
anonymous  pamphlet  in  defense  of  his  marriage.  As 
this  pamphlet  was  in  a  measure  an  apology  for  bigamy, 
Luther  became  highly  incensed,  and  could  only  with 
great  difficulty  be  prevented  from  openly  refuting  it. 
Melanchthon  drew  up  a  sharp  criticism  of  it,  which  he 
sent  to  the  elector,  and  which  in  turn  that  ruler  for- 
warded to  the  lando^rave. 

In  the  beginning  of  June,  Melanchthon  started  for 
the  religious  convention  which  had  been  appointed  for 
Speyer,  but  which,  on  account  of  a  contagious  disease 
prevailing  in  that  city,  had  been  transferred  to  Hage- 
nau.  When  he  had  gone  as  far  as  Weimar,  the  wor- 
riment  and  anxiety  occasioned  by  the  threatened  pub- 


MELANCHTHOX  AT  DEATH's  DOOR. 


159 


licatioii  of  liis  and  Luther's  advice  to  the  landii:rave, 
cast  liim  upon  a  bed  of  sickness.  He  saw  that  such  a 
publication  would  not  only  put  him  and  Luther  in  a 


Melanchthox's  Illness. 


very  bad  light,  but  was  calculated  to  injure  the  cause 
of  the  Gospel.  lie  communicated  his  tr()nl)h's  lo  Lu- 
ther and  received  a  letter  of  consolation  in  reply. 
But  he  ])roke  down  at  any  rate  ;  and  his  strength  lailed 
so  rapidly  that  death  seemed  innninent. 


160  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

The  elector  hurriedly  sent  to  inform  Luther  of  Me- 
lanchthon's  critical  condition.  Luther  rode  night  and 
day  to  reach  the  bedside  of  his  friend.  When  he  ar- 
rived, Melanchthon  lay  in  the  jaws  of  death.  His  eyes 
were  dim,  his  reason  was  gone,  he  recognized  no  one, 
and  he  could  no  longer  eat  or  drink.  Luther  was 
greatly  moved  by  what  he  saw,  and  exclaimed,  "  How 
has  the  devil  maltreated  this  instrument !"  He  turned 
to  the  window  and  prayed  earnestly.  "  Then,"  Luther 
declared,  "  God  was  obliged  to  yield  to  me.  I  cast  my 
burden  before  His  door  and  assailed  His  ears  with  all 
His  promises  to  hear  prayer  which  I  could  call  to  mind 
from  the  Scriptures ;  so  that  He  was  compelled  to  hear 
me,  if  I  was  to  believe  His  promises."  Luther  then 
took  Melanchthon  by  the  hand  and  said,  "  Be  of  good 
cheer.  You  shall  not  die.  Although  God  would  have 
reason  enough  to  take  away  life,  yet  He  desires  not 
the  death  of  the  sinner,  but  that  the  sinner  turn  from 
his  way  and  live.  He  takes  pleasure  in  life,  not  in 
death.  If  God  received  into  grace  again  the  very 
greatest  sinners  who  ever  lived  on  earth,  Adam  and 
Eve,  He  will  not  cast  you  out,  my  Philip,  nor  permit 
you  to  perish  in  sin  and  sorrow.  Therefore  do  not 
yield  to  a  spirit  of  despondency;  do  not  become  a 
murderer  of  yourself;  but  trust  in  the  Lord,  who  is 
able  to  kill  and  make  alive  again,  to  wound  and  l)in(l 
up,  to  smite  and  heal." 

To  the  great  joy  of  all,  Melanchthon  now  began  to 
breathe  again.  But  he  did  not  speak  for  some  time. 
At  last  he  turned  his  face  toward  Luther,  and  be- 
sought his  friend  not  to  detain  him,  as  he  was  upon  a 
good  journey.     He  said  that  he  desired  to  depart,  and 


THE    RELIGIOUS    COLLOQUY    AT    WORMS.  161 

that  nothing  better  could  happen.  But  Luther  re- 
plied, "  By  no  means,  Philip.  You  must  still  further 
serve  the  Lord."  Luther  then  brought  something  to 
eat,  and,  in  a  joking  way,  threatened  to  excommunicate 
Philip,  if  he  refused  to  partake  of  nourishment.  Me- 
lanchthon  thereupon  ate  sparingly.  Gradually  he  re- 
gained strength  and  recovered.  There  seems  to  be 
no  doubt  that  but  for  Luther's  arrival  and  prayer,  Me- 
lanchthon  would  have  died. 


CHAPTER    XVIL 

THE    RELIGIOUS    COLLOQUY    AT    WORMS.       THE    DIET 
AT    RATISBON.       1540-1541. 


I 


'^  I  y  HE  convention  which  was  to  have  been  held  in 
Hagenau  did  not  take  place.  The  Roman 
Catholics  proposed  treating  of  those  articles 
only  on  which  no  agreement  had  been  reached  at 
Augsburg.  But  as  the  Lutherans  ^'  could  not  recol- 
lect that  any  agreement  in  disputed  matters  had  been 
reached  at  that  diet,"  the  proposed  convention,  or 
conference,  was  not  held.  Arrangements  were  there- 
upon made  for  the  holding  of  a  religious  colloquy  at 
Worms,  on  October  28,  1540. 

Accordingly,  October  7th,  the  elector  called  his  theo- 
logians together  to  deliberate  upon  the  course  to  be 
pursued  at  Worms.  Ten  days  later  Melanchthon,  in 
company  with  Cruciger,  dejjarted  toward  that  city. 
He  was   joined    on    the   way  by  several   other   theo- 

11 


162 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


logians.  At  Gotha  they  halted  and  prepared  a  protest 
against  having  the  pope  or  his  representative  as  the 
judge  in  the  approaching  discussion.  This  was  to  be 
presented,  if  necessary,  after  they  had  arrived  in 
Worms. 

Owing  to  the  delay  of  the  imperial  commissioner 
Grauvella,  the  colloquy  was  not  opened  until  after  the 


Cardinal  Granvella. 


middle  of  I^ovember.  Even  then  much  time  was  lost 
ill  decidinD:  liow  the  discussion  should  be  conducted. 
The  fact  is,  the  Roman  Catholics  did  not  really  desire 
a  full  discussion,  but  a  speedy  settlement  of  matters  by 
the  production  of  a  set  of  articles  which  both  sides 
could  subscribe.  For  this  purpose  Eck  prepared  arti- 
cles on  Original    Sin    and  Justification,  and  boasted 


TIIK    RELIGIOUS    COLLOQUY    AT    WORMS.  163 

that  better  ones  could  not  have  been  iJi-ocured,  if  they 
had  been  brought  from  India.  But  even  the  Roman 
Catholics  Avere  not  pleased  with  them,  and  the  com- 
missioners of  Brandenl)urg,  the  Palatinate,  and  Jiilich 
refused  to  sign.  The  Protestants  of  course  could  not 
consent  to  any  formula  which  implied  that  the  ditfer- 
ence  was  only  one  of  words.  Finally  it  was  agreed 
that  Melanchthon  and  Eck  should  debate  the  dis- 
puted questions  in  the  presence  of  the  other  delegates. 
The  debate  began  on  January  14,  1541.  The  arti- 
cles of  the  Augsburg  Confession  were  taken  as  the 
basis  of  the  discussion.  Eck  began.  He  immediately 
objected,  tliat  the  Augsburg  Confession  which  was 
handed  to  him  was  altered  in  many  places.  Unfortu- 
nately he  spoke  the  truth.  The  work  to  which  he  re- 
ferred was  a  copy  of  the  Altered  Augsburg  Confession 
which  Melanchthon  had  published  in  1540.  AVhilc  it 
seems  to  be  established  that  Melanchthon  did  not  in- 
tentionally seek  to  change  the  teaching  but  only  the 
wording  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  it  was  certainly 
an  arl)itrary  and  inexcusable  act  on  his  part  to  take 
any  liberties  whatever  with  the  official  Confession  of 
the  Lutheran  Church.  In  reply  to  Eck's  objection, 
Melanchthon  explained  that  the  alterations  which  he 
had  made  did  not  affect  the  substance  but  only  the 
form  of  the  Confession,  and  were  intended  to  make  it 
milder  and  clearer.  Eck  was  l)y  no  means  willing  to 
concede  this  contention,  especially  in  the  changes 
made  in  the  tenth  article,  which  treated  of  tin-  Lorci's 
Supper.  But  waiving,  for  the  present,  the  discussion 
of  that  point,  he  proceeded  to  the  matter  in  hand. 
Omittini::  the  first  article  because  both  sides  aii^reed  on 


164  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

it,  the  second  article,  treating  of  Original  Sin,  was 
taken  up.  On  this  they  disputed  for  four  days,  Eck 
maintaining  that  Original  Sin  is  not  really  sin.  An 
old  account  states  that  Melanchthon's  speech  con- 
trasted with  Eck's  like  the  song  of  the  nightingale 
with  the  croak  of  the  raven.  Eck  proved  very  con- 
ciliatory, however,  and  proposed  a  form  of  agreement 
which  did  not  conflict  with  the  Augsburg  Confession. 
But  because  of  its  brevity,  it  was  not  signed  by  the 
Protestants.  They  declared  that  they  would  rest  their 
case  on  Melanchthon's  oral  statements. 

The  disputants  were  about  to  proceed  to  the  article 
of  Justification  when,  on  January  18th,  an  imperial 
rescript  was  announced,  adjourning  the  discussion 
until  the  diet  at  Ratisbon.  Nobody  was  really  disap- 
pointed by  this  termination  of  affairs.  For  it  was  ap- 
parent that  all  efforts  at  a  compromise  must  fail  in  the 
end,  unless  the  pope  would  renounce  the  papacy. 
Melanchthon  was  blamed  for  his  firmness  on  this  oc- 
casion, as  he  had  been  for  his  leniency  on  others. 
But  he  realized,  by  this  time,  that  even  if  an  agree- 
ment on  doctrines  could  be  reached,  none  would  be 
possible  when  it  came  to  the  consideration  of  the 
abuses. 

Hardly  had  Melanchthon  returned  to  Wittenberg, 
when  preparations  had  to  be  made  for  the  approaching 
diet  at  Ratisbon.  Neither  he  nor  Luther  nor  the 
elector  looked  for  any  satisfactory  result  of  the  reli- 
gious discussion  to  be  held  at  the  diet.  But  out  of 
respect  to  the  emperor,  the  elector  decided  to  send  a 
respectable  delegation.  Luther  desired  to  keep  Me- 
lanchthon at  Wittenberg.     He  knew  how  heavily  the 


THE    DIET    AT    RATISBON.  165 

trials  and  annoyances  of  such  public  discussions  bore 
upon  his  friend.  Bat  the  elector  could  not  spare  him. 
At  the  same  time,  however,  he  adopted  measures  to 
shield  his  theologian  against  private  onslaught  by  the 
enemy.  He  directed  that  Melanchthon  should  lodge 
in  the  same  house  with  the  Saxon  counsellors,  and 
commanded  his  equerry  not  to  permit  any  one  to 
speak  to  the  theologian  except  in  the  presence  of  the 
others.  Perhaps,  in  his  anxiety  to  maintain  the  pure 
doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  the  elector*  took  these  precau- 
tionary measures  as  much  to  protect  the  evangelical 
cause  against  any  possible  yielding  of  Melanchthon,  as 
to  protect  Melanchthon  against  the  annoyances  of  the 
Roman  Catholics.  The  elector  also  felt  some  uneasi- 
ness about  the  conduct  of  the  Landgrave  Philip  of 
Hesse.  It  was  noticed  that  since  the  scandal  occa- 
sioned by  his  bigamy,  that  prince  had  begun  to  in- 
gratiate himself  with  the  emperor.  The  elector  there- 
fore gave  his  counsellors  strict  orders  to  abide  by  the 
resolutions  of  the  evangelical  States  at  the  Convention 
of  Schmalcald. 

On  March  14th,  Melanchthon  departed  with  Cruci- 
ger  for  Ratisbon.  Two  days  later  he  was  joined  by 
the  other  delegates  at  Altenburg.  When  the  Bava- 
rian frontier  was  reached,  the  carriage  in  which  Me- 
lanchthon rode  was  upset,  and  his  hand  badly  sprained. 
For  a  long  time  afterward  he  was  unable  to  write,  and 
dictated  his  letters  to  Cruciger.  On  the  fifth  of  April 
the  diet  was  opened  by  the  emperor  in  person.  Many 
of  the  Protestants  desired  a  simple  continuation  of  tlie 
discussion  which  had  been  begun  at  Worms.  But 
the  emperor  had  a  way  of  his  own  to  bring  about 


166  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

peace  and  harmony.  Three  persons  were  to  be  ap- 
pointed from  each  side  to  discuss  the  questions  in  dis- 
pute and  to  endeavor  to  effect  a  compromise.  These 
were  then  to  consult  with  the  papal  nuncio  Contarini. 
It  was  decided  by  the  Protestants  to  let  the  emperor 
try  his  plan.  Pflug,  Eck  and  Groper  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  side,  and  Melanchthon,  Bucer  and  Pistorius 
from  the  Protestant,  were  appointed  as  the  disputants. 
The  Count  Palatnie  and  Granvella  were  to  act  as 
moderators ;  others  to  attend  as  hearers. 

Before  the  discussion  was  opened,  the  emperor  sum- 
moned the  disputants  into  his  presence,  shook  hands 
with  them  cordially,  and  exhorted  them  to  act  with- 
out fear  or  passion  and  to  seek  only  the  glory  of  God. 
It  looked  as  if  the  emperor  was  really  desirous  of  a 
reconciliation.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Roman 
Catholic  delegates  cherished  the  same  feelings.  The 
order  of  discussion  which  they  proposed  seemed  ex- 
pressly designed  to  stop  the  debate  at  as  early  a  stage 
as  possible.  They  proposed  to  treat  first  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  the  power  of  the  Church  and  the  pope,  private 
masses,  monastic  vows,  the  celibacy  of  the  priesthood, 
and  one  kind  in  the  Sacrament,  and  only  after  these 
had  been  finished,  take  up  those  of  justification,  faith 
and  good  works. 

But  the  emperor  had  a  plan  mapped  out  for  them. 
When,  on  April  27th,  the  discussion  was  about  to  be 
opened,  he  laid  before  them  a  book  for  examination, 
correction  and  adoption.  This  book,  which  possessed 
no  title,  was  afterwards  known  as  the  Ratisbon  Book 
or  Ratisbon  Interim.  It  was  an  attempt  to  reconcile 
the  difference  between  the  Roman  Catholics  and  the 


THE    DIET    AT    RATISBON.  167 

Protestants,  ^lelaiiclithoii  was  already  familiar  with 
it.  As  early  as  January  4tli,  it  had  been  sent  to  Lu- 
ther by  Joachim  II.  of  Brandenburg.  Its  author  is 
unknowni.  Melanchthon  thought  it  was  written  by 
Groper  wdth  the  assistance  of  Volcruck,  an  imperial 
counsellor,  and  sent  by  them  to  Philij)  of  Jlesse  and 
Joachim  of  Brandenburg  for  examination.  The  l)ook 
consisted  of  twenty-three  articles  of  the  nature  of  a 
compromise.  It  was  calculated  to  satisfy  neither 
party.  But  as  the  emperor  attached  so  much  impor- 
tance to  it,  it  was  made  the  basis  of  the  discussion. 
A  number  of  articles  were  passed  over  without  much 
difficulty.  When  they  came  to  the  one  on  justifica- 
tion, it  was  found  to  be  extremely  unsatisfactory.  At 
length,  after  much  discussion,  a  new  formula  w^as 
agreed  upon,  w^hich  did  not  conflict  with  the  Augs- 
burg Confession,  but  w^hich  left  much  to  wish  for  in 
the  way  of  explanation  and  elucidation. 

The  Saxon  counsellors  in  their  report  to  the  elector 
spoke  very  highly  of  Melanchthon's  firmness.  But 
the  elector  feared  that  this  peace-loving  man  w^ould 
yield  too  much ;  and  he  could  hardly  be  prevented  by 
Luther  from  going  to  Riitisbon  himself.  He  insisted, 
however,  on  sending  Amsdorf  to  keep  a  lookout  and 
to  report  on  what  was  being  done.  But  this  time  the 
elector's  fears  were  groundless.  Melanchthon  con- 
ducted himself  in  the  diet  of  Ratisbon  with  a  stead- 
fastness that  w^as  highly  commendable.  He  declared 
before  Granvella  himself  that  he  would  rather  die  than 
vield  anvthinor  a<j:ainst  his  conscience  and  the  truth. 
Xo  doubt  Melanchthon  acted  just  as  conscientiously 
at  Au^csburic.     But  the  reasons  which  influenced  his 


168  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

conduct  then  no  longer  influenced  him  now.  He  now 
saw  the  purposes  of  his  enemies  and  the  hopelessness 
of  a  compromise  on  an  evangelical  basis ;  and  he  there- 
fore no  longer  felt  called  upon  to  make  the  utmost 
possible  concessions. 

As  regards  the  article  agreed  to,  the  elector  was  dis- 
trustful of  it,  fearing  that  it  would  obscure  the  doctrine 
of  justification  by  faith  alone.  He  wrote  to  his  coun- 
sellors that  he  could  by  no  means  consent  to  it. 
Luther  begged  him  not  to  write  a  severe  letter  to 
Melanchthon,  lest  he  should  add  to  the  trials  and 
distresses  which  that  sensitive  nature  already  en- 
dured. 

The  next  subject  taken  up  for  discussion  was  the 
Church.  The  Ratisbon  Book  maintained  that  there 
must  be  a  power  in  the  Church  which  has  the  right  to 
interpret  the  Bible,  and  that  private  individuals  do 
not  have  that  right.  A  heated  discussion  took  place 
upon  this  article.  In  the  course  of  it  Granvella  called  on 
Melanchthon  to  read  the  article  in  question  more  care- 
fully. Melanchthon  replied  that  he  had  read  it  often, 
that  he  had  done  so  at  Wittenberg  already,  but  that 
he  could  by  no  means  approve  of  it.  "  For,"  he  said, 
*'  if  this  power  were  conceded  to  councils  of  the 
Church,  then  many  errors  of  former  councils  would 
have  to  be  approved  and  posterity  be  fearfully  bur- 
dened." 

The  debate  on  the  Lord's  Supper  lasted  eight  days. 
The  Roman  Catholics  presented  a  formula  in  which 
the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation  and  the  practice  of 
elevating  the  host  were  upheld.  Li  opposition  to  this, 
Melanchthon  set  up  a  formula  in  which  he  maintained 


THE    DIET    AT    RATISBON.  169 

that"  Christ's  hody  is  present  only  when  the  sacrament 
is  administered,  and  that  Christ  is  present,  not  for  the 
sake  of  the  bread,  but  for  the  sake  of  man."  Melanch- 
thon  defended  his  formula  very  energetically.  Eck, 
partly  from  excitement,  partly  perhaps  from  over-in- 
dulgence in  drink,  became  ill.  During  the  debate  on 
this  article  Eck  propounded  a  subtle  sophism  to  which 
Melanchthon  replied  after  some  thought :  "  I  will  give 
you  my  reply  to-morrow."  "  Oh,"  said  Eck,  "  there  is 
no  honor  in  that.  You  must  answer  me  at  once."  To 
this  Melanchthon  replied ;  "  My  good  Doctor,  I  am  not 
seeking  my  own  honor  in  this  matter,  but  the  truth. 
I  say,  therefore,  you  shall,  God  willing,  have  my  reply 
to-morrow."  This  little  dialogue  shows  the  vast  dif- 
ference which  existed  between  the  spirit  and  character 
of  these  two  men. 

A  violent  discussion  took  place  upon  the  doctrine 
of  auricular  confession.  The  articles  which  Melanch- 
thon set  up  in  opposition  to  it  so  irritated  Granvella, 
that  he  employed  some  harsh  expressions  toward  Me- 
lanchthon. The  champion  of  the  Lutherans  felt  con- 
strained, therefore,  at  the  opening  of  the  next  day's 
discussion,  to  declare  that,  if  it  was  intended  that  he 
should  not  freely  express  his  opinions,  he  would  re- 
main away  entirely.  The  imperial  envoy  then  begged 
pardon  for  his  conduct,  and  the  discussion  was  re- 
sumed. The  subject  of  Church  government  and  the 
power  of  the  bishops  was  taken  up.  It  became  evi- 
dent that  the  Roman  Catholics  were  determined  to 
maintain  that  the  primacy  of  the  pope  and  episcopal 
succession  were  necessary  for  a  true  Church.  Me- 
lanchthon became  impatient  when  he  perceived  this, 


170  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

and  resolutely  opposed  the  whole  article.  He  pre- 
pared counter  articles  on  this  subject  as  well  as  on  the 
succeeding  ones,  of  the  Invocation  of  the  Saints,  the 
Mass,  One  Kind  in  the  Sacrament,  Celibacy  and  Mo- 
nastic life. 

In  taking  so  firm  a  stand,  Melanchthon  acquitted 
himself  nobly.  But  it  soon  appeared  that  he  w^as 
blamed  by  the  emperor  as  the  one  man  who,  by  his 
obstinacy,  rendered  the  negotiations  fruitless.  He 
was  also  accused  of  having  secret  instructions  from 
Luther,  and  of  sustaining  suspicious  relations  with  the 
French  ambassador.  But  in  a  letter  to  the  emperor 
he  defended  himself  against  these  accusations  so  un- 
justly made. 

On  May  16th  the  discussion  of  the  Ratisbon  Book 
was  brought  to  a  close,  and  on  the  31st  of  the  same 
month  the  Protestants  presented  to  the  emperor  a 
summary  of  the  declarations  which  they  had  made. 
Kine  articles  of  the  Ratisbon  Book  were  specified  as 
being  of  such  a  nature,  that  they  could  under  no  con- 
siderations be  accepted.  These  articles  treated  of  the 
Church,  the  Lord's  Supper,  Enumeration  of  Particular 
Sins  in  Confession,  Satisfaction,  the  Unity  of  the 
Church  and  Ordination,  the  Saints,  the  Mass,  Private 
Masses,  and  Celibacy. 

The  emperor,  of  course,  was  not  pleased  with,  this 
result  of  the  discussion.  He  wanted  the  Ratisbon 
Book  adopted.  He  therefore  sent  it  to  the  princes  of 
the  realm,  and  commanded  them  to  make  a  copy  of 
it,  give  it  further  careful  consideration,  and  then  report 
to  him  their  opinion.  He  also  sent  a  delegation  to 
Luther,  asking  the  reformer  to  approve  of  the  book, 


THE    DIET    AT    RATISBON.  171 

or  at  least  to  tolerate  it  for  the  present.  But  the  dele- 
gation did  not  etfeet  its  purpose. 

Melanchthon  spoke  very  clearly  and  decidedly  about 
the  Eatisbon  Book  in  an  address  which  he  made  to 
the  States.  He  declared  that  he  could  not  accept  and 
would  not  tinker  any  more  at  the  articles  which  had 
been  rejected  at  the  discussion;  and  that  he  still  had 
many  objections  to  make  even  against  those  articles 
which  were  regarded  as  agreed  upon.  The  Roman 
Catholics  themselves  were  not  much  better  pleased 
with  the  book.  Eck  called  it  insipid.  Later  on  it 
was  rejected  by  a  convention  of  bishops. 

During  the  session  of  the  diet,  Melanchthon  pre- 
pared, at  the  emperor's  request,  a  plan  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  Church.  He  insisted  in  it  upon  the  main- 
tenance of  sound  doctrine,  thorough  catechetical  in- 
struction, the  introduction  of  worthy  rites  and  cere- 
monies, the  installation  of  competent  pastors,  and  the 
abolition  of  celibacy.  He  was  Avilling  to  allow  the 
bishops  to  retain  their  offices ;  but  they  were  to  be  re- 
quired to  make  strict  visitations,  and  to  institute  con- 
sistories for  the  examination  of  candidates  for  the 
ministry.  The  universities  and  schools  were  to  be 
improved,  and  the  salaries  of  the  professors  increased. 
The  elector  was  by  no  means  pleased  with  that  part 
of  this  plan  which  proposed  permitting  the  bishops  to 
retain  their  temporal  and  spiritual  power.  He  feared 
they  would  abuse  their  power  to  the  detriment  of  the 
truth. 

At  last,  on  July  29th,  the  diet  came  to  an  end. 
The  decision  of  the  religious  diificulties  was  postponed 
until  a  council  be  held,  or  in  case  none  should  be 


172  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

held,  postponed  until  the  next  diet.  In  the  mean- 
time the  religious  Peace  of  Nuremberg  was  to  be 
observed. 


CHAPTER    XYIIL 

THE  BISHOPRIC  OF  NAUMBERG.       THE  REFORMATION  AT 
COLOGNE.       A  YEAR  OF  SUFFERING  FOR 
MELANCHTHON.       1541-1544. 

WHILE  Melanchthon  was  attending  the  col- 
loquy at  Worms,  the  Bishop  of  Naum- 
berg-Zeitz  died,  and  the  cathedral  chapter 
elected  Julius  von  Pflug  as  his  successor.  The  people 
of  this  district  were  largely  evangelical  in  sentiment, 
and  the  elector  therefore  deposed  the  newly-elected 
Pomish  bishop.  This  Lutheran  prince  was  deter- 
mined, if  possible,  to  put  an  end  to  the  temporal  power 
of  the  bishops;  aud  he  threatened  that,  unless  the 
chapter  would  nullify  its  action  and  elect  some  one 
else,  he  would  occupy  the  castle  at  Zeitz  with  his 
troops,  and  appoint  one  of  his  generals  to  administer 
the  affairs  of  the  bishopric.  But  the  chapter  refused 
to  do  so.  The  elector  then  turned  to  the  theologians 
of  Wittenberg  for  their  opinion  of  his  rights  and  au- 
thority in  the  case.  Melanchthon  drew  up  a  paper  in 
which  he  adjudged  to  the  elector  the  power  to  appoint 
some  one  to  the  office,  but  entreated  him  to  appoint  a 
sensible,  modest  and  peace-loving  man.  The  elector 
accordingly  appointed  Nicholas  von  Amsdorf  Luther 
ordained  him  to  the   office.      Melanchthon   came  to 


THE    REFORMATION    AT    COLOGNE.  173 

assist  in  the  organization  of  the  churches  and  schools. 
The  action  of  the  elector,  though  condemned  at  the 
time,  was  nevertheless  necessary;  and  Roman  Catholic 
princes  were  soon  found  imitating  his  example  and  de- 
priving the  bishops  of  their  temporal  power. 

l^ot  long  afterwards  the  Reformation  was  introduced 
in  Cologne.  The  electoral  archbishop  of  that  city, 
Herman,  Count  von  Wied,  had  become  convinced  that 
the  Augsburg  Confession  was  thoroughly  scriptural, 
and  he  headed  the  movement  himself.  As  early  as 
1536  he  had  instituted  some  reforms.  In  1539  he 
invited  Melanchthon  to  come  to  his  assistance,  and 
sent  him  a  second  and  third  invitation  in  1542  and 
1543.  But  Melanchthon  hesitated  to  go.  When  the 
landgrave  urged  him  to  accept  the  invitation,  he  re- 
plied, that  he  feared  the  authorities  would  not,  in  spite 
of  the  wishes  of  the  archbishop,  permit  a  thorough 
reformation ;  and  that,  besides,  for  such  a  work  as  this, 
a  man  was  needed  who  could  preach.  Perhaps  the 
real  reason  for  this  unwillingness  was  the  fact  that 
Bucer  was  already  on  the  ground,  and  that  Melanch- 
thon feared  it  might  come  to  a  discussion  of  some  doc- 
trines between  them  which,  for  various  reasons,  he  did 
not  care  at  present  to  discuss.  But  finally,  when,  in 
April  1543,  his  friend  Peter  Medman  came  to  Witten- 
berg for  the  second  time  and  besought  him  to  come, 
Melanchthon  decided  to  go.  The  elector  granted  liim 
leave  of  absence  for  six  or  seven  weeks,  presented  him 
with  one  hundred  gold  florins,  and  sent  liis  troopers 
as  an  escort. 

In  company  with  Justus  Jonas,  Jr.,  and  Jenmie 
Schreiber,  Melanchthon  set  out  on  his  journey,  and 


174  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

arrived  on  May  4th  at  the  residence  of  the  archbishop 
in  Bonn.  The  relio-ious  is^norance  which  he  beheld 
among  the  inhabitants  of  that  city  astonished  him. 
He  wrote  to  his  friends  that  it  wonkl  be  hard  to  dis- 
cover anywhere  in  Germany  another  city  in  which 
snch  barbarous  and  heathenish  superstitions  prevailed. 
He  found  that  the  archbishop  and  Bucerwere  in  favor 
of  instituting  a  thorough  reformation ;  but  that  they 
Avere  opposed  by  Groper  and  particularly  by  the 
cathedral  chapter  of  Cologne.  He  immediately  read 
the  plan  of  reformation  as  far  as  it  had  been  prepared, 
and  set  to  work  upon  the  articles  of  the  Trinity,  Crea^ 
tion,  Original  Sin,  Justification  by  Faith,  the  Church, 
and  Repentance,  which  were  assigned  to  him.  The 
articles  on  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  were  to  be 
written  by  Bucer. 

When  the  work  was  completed,  it  was  examined  by 
the  archbishop,  and  adopted  by  the  chamber  of  depu- 
ties. The  cathedral  chapter  was  requested  not  to  op- 
pose the  plans  for  reformation.  But  only  a  few  weeks 
after  Melanchthon's  arrival,  there  appeared  in  the 
name  of  the  university  and  the  clergy  of  the  district, 
a  scurrilous  pamphlet  from  the  pen  of  a  Carmelite 
monk  named  Bellig.  It  was  so  vile  and  scandalous, 
that  some  of  the  opposition  themselves  insisted  on  a 
change  in  its  title,  and  disclaimed  all  connection  Avith 
it.  Melanchthon  replied  with  a  pamphlet  in  which  he 
repelled  all  the  charges  made  against  him,  and  exhib- 
ited the  prevailing  abuses  of  the  Romish  Church  in  a 
strong  light. 

On  July  28th,  Melanchthon  departed  from  Bonn. 
On  his  way  he  stopped  at  Frankfort-on-the-Main  and 


THE    REFORMATION    AT    COLOGNE.  175 

assisted  in  settling  a  dispute  which  raged  there  con- 
cerning some  ceremonies  connected  with  the  Lord's 
Supper.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  Weimar,  because  he 
was  wanted  at  court.  And  finally  on  August  15th, 
amid  the  loud  rejoicings  of  many  of  the  students  and 
professors  who  came  out  to  meet  him,  he  re-entered 
Wittenberg.  He  cherished  great  hopes  of  the  Refor- 
mation in  Cologne.  But  his  hopes  were  not  realized. 
The  cathedral  chapter  brought  before  the  emperor  and 
the  pope  an  accusation  against  the  aged  archbishop, 
and  had  him  deposed.  Then  the  work  of  the  Refor- 
mation, so  auspiciously  begun,  immediately  languished. 
The  relations  between  Melanchthon  and  Luther  at 
this  time  were  far  from  satisfactory.  The  root  of  the 
trouble  lay  in  Melanchthon's  change  of  view  with  re- 
gard to  the  Lord's  Supper.  From  the  time  of  his  first 
conference  with  Bucer  at  Cassel,  he  had  departed  more 
and  more  from  Luther's  position,  until  at  this  time,  1544, 
he  was  more  in  accord  with  Bucer  than  with  the  great 
reformer.  Melanchthon's  treatment  of  the  Augsburg 
Confession  has  been  alluded  to  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ter. As  early  as  1533  and  1535  he  had  published 
editions  of  the  Confession  in  which  he  had  made  slight 
alterations.  But  in  1540  he  published  an  edition  in 
which  the  changes  that  he  made  were  consideral)ly 
greater.  These  alterations  afiected  particularly  tlic 
tenth  article,  which  treats  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  This 
last-named  edition,  known  as  the  Altered  Augsburg 
Confession  or  the  Variata,  was  the  one  wliicli  lie  had 
taken  with  him  to  the  colloquy  at  Wornis  and  for 
which  Eck  had  taken  him  to  task.  Altliough  Me- 
lanchthon claimed  at  that  time,  and  no  doubt  sincerely 


176  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

thought,  that  the  alterations  aiFected  only  the  words 
and  not  the  substance  of  the  Confession,  this  was  not 
strictly  true,  ^o  doubt  the  changes  made  did  not  con- 
flict with  Melanchthon's  own  interpretation  of  the 
original  reading.  But  at  the  same  time  the  wording 
of  the  tenth  article  was  so  altered  that  the  Reformed 
as  well  as  the  Lutherans  could  read  their  doctrine  of 
the  Lord's  Supper  into  it.  He  desired  to  make  it  easy 
for  the  Reformed  to  unite  with  the  Lutherans.  But 
he  made  a  great  mistake  in  tampering  with  the  ofiicial 
Confession  of  the  Church.  He  seems  to  have  thought 
that  because  he  had  written  the  Augsburg  Confession, 
he  might  change  it,  if  he  chose.  But  after  it  had  been 
received  and  signed  by  the  evangelical  princes  and 
states,  it  was  no  longer  his  private  property.  'No  man 
thenceforth  had  a  right  to  change  a  syllable  in  it. 

Luther  was  grieved  and  perhaps  irritated  by  Me- 
lanchthon's change  of  view;  but  out  of  regard  for  the 
feelino:s  and  consideration  for  the  distino^uished  ser- 
vices  of  his  friend,  he  did  not  publicly  attack  him. 
He  was  particularly  provoked  by  the  treatment  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  which  he  found  in  the 
Cologne  book.  The  article  on  that  subject  had  been 
formulated  by  Bucer,  but  had  been  approved  by  Me- 
lanchthon.  Luther  found  fault  not  so  much  with 
what  the  article  said  as  with  what  it  omitted  to  say. 
He  looked  in  vain,  he  said,  for  a  positive  statement  of 
the  real  presence.  In  his  indignation  he  took  up  the 
matter  in  the  pulpit  and  attacked  Bucer.  He  did  not 
allude  to  Melanchthon  ;  yet  all  felt  that  the  man  who 
had  assisted  in  the  preparation  of  the  objectionable 
book  was,  to  some  extent  at  least,  included  in  the  at- 


THE    REFORMATION    AT    COLOGNE.  177 

tack.  The  relations  between  the  two  ^rreat  cham- 
pions of  the  Keforniation  became  greatly  strained. 
Their  intercourse  ceased.  MelanchthoiTs  mind  was 
harassed  by  the  dread  of  an  open  rupture.  lie  heard 
tluit  Luther  was  preparing:  a  new  l)()ok  on  the  Lord's 
Supper  and  would  shortly  put  it  in  ])rint.  lie  was 
sure  that  when  it  appeared  he  would  iiiid  himself 
openly  assailed. 

But,  to  his  great  relief,  he  found,  when  Luther's 
"  Short  Confession  Concerning  the  Lord's  Supper " 
was  published,  that,  although  it  contained  a  fierce  at- 
tack upon  the  Zwinglians,  there  Avas  in  it  no  passage 
which  he  could  construe  as  an  attack  upon  himself 
Soon  afterwards  the  relations  between  him  and  Luther 
became  easier.  In  a  letter  to  Myconius,  under  date 
of  October  10th,  Melanchthon  wrote  that  he  had  held 
a  conversation  with  Luther.  In  the  course  of  it  he 
had  stated  that  he  always  believed  in  a  union  of 
Christ  with  the  bread  and  wine,  and  held  that,  when 
the  bread  and  wine  are  taken,  Christ  is  received  by 
the  communicant.  lie  added  in  his  letter,  that  he 
thought  Luther  was  satisfied  with  this  explanation, 
but  that  if  he  was  not,  Melanchthon  would  have  to 
think  of  leaving  AVittenberg.  As  the  latter  took  no 
steps  looking  toward  a  removal  from  that  city,  it  is 
fair  to  presume  that  Luther  was  satisfied,  or  that,  at 
least,  he  resolved  to  bear  with  his  colleague  and  friend. 
Indeed,  early  in  Xovember,  when  Chancellor  J^rueck, 
in  l)ehalf  of  the  landgrave,  asked  Melanchthon 
whether  there  was  any  trouble  l)et\veen  him  and 
Luther,  he  received  the  reply  that  there  was  ^'  none 
of  any  consequence,"  and  a  few  days  later  the  chan- 

12 


178 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHONo 


Fr.  Myconius. 


A    YEAR    OF    SUFFERING    FOR    MELANCHTHON.        179 

cellor  wrote  to  the  elector :  "  I  cannot  learn  any- 
thing from  Pliilip  but  that  ho  and  Luther  are  good 
friends." 

But  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  1545,  it  was 
again  rumored  that  Luther  was  preparing  a  reply  to 
Bullinger's  attack  upon  the  "  Short  Confession,"  and 
would  refer  to  Melanchthon  by  name.  Tlie  rumor 
reached  the  ears  of  the  elector  and  tilled  him  with 
concern.  He  commanded  his  chancellor  to  speak 
with  Luther  upon  the  subject  and  endeavor  to  dis- 
suade him  from  such  a  purpose.  It  is  not  known 
what  answer  Luther  made.  This  much  is  plain,  how- 
ever: Luther  did  not  in  his  pamphlet  make  any  at- 
tack upon  Melanchthon,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  he 
ever  intended  to  do  so. 

To  these  public  troubles  and  trials  of  Melanchthon, 
were  added  domestic  griefs  and  cares.  In  the  year 
1536  his  favorite  daughter,  Anna,  had  been  married 
TO  the  poet  Sabinus,  a  man  who  possessed  considerable 
talent,  but  who  proved  to  be  wholly  unworthy  of  her. 
He  was  licentious,  extravagant  and  cruel.  The  trials 
of  this  daughter  tilled  Melanchthon's  heart  with  grief 
Her  reckless  husband  even  proposed  seeking  a  di- 
vorce, and  was  prevented  from  doing  so  only  V)y  the 
death  of  Anna  in  1547.  To  make  matters  still  worse, 
Melanchthon's  son  Philip,  who  at  this  time  was  a  stu- 
dent of  law,  became  secretly  engaged  at  the  age  of 
nineteen  to  a  young  lady  at  Leipzig.  Greatly  to  liis 
father's  relief,  however,  the  young  man  listened  to  ad- 
vice, realized  his  total  inability  to  support  a  wife,  and 
did  not  marry  until  the  year  1550;  and  then  it  was 
not  the  maiden  at  Leipzig,  but  a  widow  at  Torgau,  to 


180  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

whom  he  was  wedded.  Melanehthon's  mind  was 
greatly  troubled  also  by  the  misfortune  of  his  intimate 
friend,  Jerome  Baumgartner  of  Nuremberg.  While 
returning  from  the  Diet  of  Speyer,  Baumgartner  had 
been  taken  captive  by  the  robber-baron,  Albert  von 
Rosenberg.  For  fully  a  year  he  Avas  held  prisoner, 
and  during  all  this  time  Melanchthon  was  filled  with 
anxiety  for  his  welfare. 

Taking  into  consideration  the  many  public  and  pri- 
vate trials  and  troubles  which  weighed  upon  his  mind 
and  heart,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  year 
1544  is  spoken  of  as  "  Melanehthon's  year  of  sorrow." 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

THE    DIET    AT    WORMS.        1545.       THE    DIET    AT    RATISBON. 
1546.       LUTHER'S    DEATH. 


I 


"I  I  7  HE  affairs  of  the  empire  after  the  Diet  at  Ratis- 
bon  in  1541  did  not  j^ermit  the  emperor  to 
think  of  suppressing  the  Lutherans  by  force. 
His  brother  Ferdinand  was  kept  busy  in  Hungar}^  by 
the  Turks,  his  fleets  were  defeated  in  the  Mediterra- 
nean by  the  pirates,  and  to  crown  all  he  became  in- 
volved in  1542  in  another  war  with  France.  He  was, 
therefore,  greatly  in  need  of  the  aid  of  the  Protestant 
princes.  At  the  Diet  of  Speyer  in  1544  they  consented 
to  lend  their  assistance,  but  only  on  condition  that 
they  received  a  guarantee  of  permanent  peace  and 
equal  rights  with  the  Roman  Catholics.     The  empe- 


THE    DIET    AT    WORMS.       1545.  181 

ror  had  no  choice  but  to  yield.  He  appointed  a  new 
diet  to  be  held  before  lonfj;  in  Worms,  where  the  reli- 
gious ditticnlties  were  to  be  tinally  adjusted.  Plans 
for  a  reformation  of  the  Church  should  be  prepared 
by  learned  and  peaceable  men,  and  be  presented  and 
considered  at  the  diet.  The  emperor  himself  would 
bring  one;  the  princes  might  do  the  same. 

With  the  aid  of  the  Lutheran  troops  furnished  for 
him,  Charles  V.  soon  defeated  the  French  and  con- 
cluded the  treaty  of  Crespy.  He  could  now  turn  his 
attention  to  the  reli2:ious  affairs  of  his  realm.  Matters 
did  not,  however,  take  on  a  promising  appearance  for 
the  Protestants.  For  in  JSTovember,  1544,  the  pope 
proclaimed  that  a  council  should  be  held  in  Trent  in 
the  following  March ;  and  it  became  evident  that  the 
religious  questions  were  to  be  adjusted  at  this  council 
and  not  at  the  diet.  Nevertheless  the  elector  called 
on  Melanchthon  to  prepare  a  plan  of  reformation 
which  might  be  submitted  at  AVorms.  The  writing 
which  he  drew  up  is  known  as  the  Wittenberg  Ref- 
ormation. This  was  sent  to  the  elector  by  the  theo- 
logians, with  the  declaration,  that  it  contained  the 
views  by  which  they  "  intended  to  abide  to  the  last." 
The  doctrines  which  this  paper  contained  were  based 
on  the  Augsburg  Confession.  But,  in  the  matter  of 
Church  government,  it  expressed  a  willingness  to  con- 
cede to  the  prelates  their  temporal  and  spiritual  pre- 
rogatives, and  the  right  of  ordination,  visitation,  and 
excommunication,  provided  they  used  their  ofhccs  in 
the  service  of  the  Gospel. 

The  proposition  of  Bucer  that,  at  the  coming  diet, 
tlie  evangelical  states  should  complain  to  the  emperor 


182  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

against  the  pope,  and  endeavor  to  have  the  pope  for- 
mally repudiated  as  the  regular  ecclesiastical  power,  was 
rejected  by  the  theologians.  It  was  likely,  they  said, 
that  the  emperor  would  not  listen  to  such  a  proposal ; 
and  in  any  case,  they  would,  by  so  doing,  acknowledge 
the  emperor  as  judge  in  spiritual  matters. 

The  Wittenberg  Reformation  prepared  by  Melanch- 
thon  was  not,  however,  presented  at  Worms.  Y^Hien 
the  diet  convened,  early  in  1545,  it  was  found  that  the 
emperor's  chief  concern  was  to  prevail  upon  the  Prot- 
estants to  send  delegates  to  the  Council  of  Trent. 
The  Protestants  refused  to  do  this.  Though  the  em- 
peror spoke  fair  words,  denied  all  intention  of  using 
violence,  and  appointed  another  diet  to  be  held  at 
Ratisbon  the  next  year  for  the  discussion  of  the  reli- 
gious issues,  it  was  plain  that  he  was  only  seeking  to 
gain  time,  and  was  secretly  preparing  for  war.  In 
December  of  1545,  the  same  month  in  which  the 
Council  of  Trent  was  opened,  the  Protestants  met  in 
Frankfort,  in  order  to  prepare  for  defence  by  renew- 
ing the  Schmalcald  League.  Unfortunately,  the  pur- 
pose of  their  meeting  was  not  fully  accomplished. 
They  agreed,  however,  to  accept  the  religious  discus- 
sion at  Ratisbon  and  to  protest  against  the  Council  of 
Trent.  Melanchthon  drew  up  for  this  latter  purpose 
a  paper,  in  which  he  clearly  specified  the  grievances 
of  the  Protestants  against  the  pope. 

Iii  the  approaching  discussion  at  Ratisbon,  Melanch- 
thon was,  as  usual,  to  take  a  leading  part.  But 
Luther  wished  to  spare  him  the  ordeal,  and  interceded 
for  him.  Luther  knew  that  nothing  would  be  accom- 
plished at  any  rate,  and  that  it  would  be  a  useless  tax 


THE    DIET    AT    RATISBOX.       1546.  183 

upon  the  nerves  and  liealtli  of  Melanclithon.  George 
Major  and  Laurentius  Zoeh  were  thereupon  appointed 
for  the  purpose.  Melanchthon's  advice,  however,  was 
wanted,  and  lie  was  summoned  to  the  elector  at  Tor- 
gau.  He  gave  it  as  liis  opinion  that  Malvenda,  the 
Spanisli  theologian  Avho  accompanied  the  emperor, 
would  surely  ohjeet  to  the"  doctrine  of  justification  hy 
ftiith,  and  that  the  quickest  way  to  put  an  end  to  the 
whole  discussion,  which  was  certain  to  he  fruitless  in 
any  case,  would  he  to  take  up  this  doctrine  iirst. 

It  has  heen  claimed  hy  some  that  Luther  desired  to 
keep  Melanchthon  away  from  Ratishon,  hecause  he 
doubted  the  orthodoxy  of  his  views  on  the  Lord's 
Supper.  But  Luther  was  not  the  man  to  fear  to  say 
what  he  thought.  If  such  had  l)een  the  reason,  he 
would  plainly  have  told  Chancellor  Brueck,  and  not 
have  sought  to  invent  any  pretexts.  The  reason 
which  Luther  gave  was  surely  sound  enough.  The 
ceaseless  round  of  fruitless  colloquies,  discussions,  dis- 
putations, and  the  vain  attempts  at  accommodation  or 
compromise,  in  which  the  mild-tempered  Melanch- 
thon, who  enjoyed  nothing  so  much  as  the  privacy  of 
the  study,  had  heen  engaged  for  the  last  fifteen  years, 
were  enough  to  move  tlie  heart  of  a  stranger  and 
much  more  that  of  his  nohle-minded  friend,  to  sympa- 
thize with  him,  and  to  desire  that  he  might  at  last  he 
spared  the  useless  infliction. 

The  basis  of  the  contention,  that  Luther  did  not 
want  Melanchthon  at  Ratishon,  is  sought  in  the  fact, 
that  when  Major  was  about  to  dei)art  for  the  diet,  he 
paid  a  visit  to  Luther  and  found  these  words  upon  his 
door.     "  Our  professors  must   be    examined    on    the 


184  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

Lord's  Supper."  Astonished  by  beholding  this,  Major 
inquired  why  these  words  were  posted  there.  He  re- 
ceived the  reply,  that  the  words  were  meant  literally, 
and  that  when  he  returned  from  Ratisbon  he  must 
expect  to  be  examined.  When  Major  protested  that 
he  believed  the  true  doctrine,  and  explained  his  views 
at  some  length,  Lather  gave  him  to  understand  thnt 
the  notice  was  intended  to  emphasize  the  necessity  of 
plain  and  repeated  public  expression  of  the  doctrine, 
in  order  that  it  might  be  known  just  where  each  one 
stood.  "  Wlioever  "  said  Luther,  "  regards  his  doc- 
trine, faith,  and  confession  as  true,  cannot  stand  in  the 
same  stable  with  heretics,  nor  always  speak  smooth 
words  to  the  devil  and  his  knaves.  A  teacher  who  is 
silent  about  errors  is  worse  than  an  open  fanatic.  He 
either  lies  under  one  cover  with  the  enemies,  or  he  is 
a  doubter  and  weather-vane  who  is  waiting  to  see  how 
matters  will  end,  and  to  note  whether  Christ  or  the 
devil  will  conquer ;  or  he  is  altogether  in  a  condition 
of  uncertainty  himself,  and  is  unworthy  to  be  called  a 
disciple,  much  less  a  teacher."  Still  it  cannot  fairly 
be  deduced  from  this,  that  a  doubt  of  Melanchthon's 
orthodoxy  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Supper  was 
the  reason  why  Luther  desired  to  keep  Melanchthon 
away  from  Ratisbon.  The  fact  is,  the  two  great 
champions  of  the  Reformation  were  at  this  time  on 
good  terms  with  one  another.  The  old-time  friend- 
ship and  kindly  feeling  were  largely  restored.  Philip 
frequently  came  as  of  old  and  dined  at  Dr.  Martin's 
table,  and  twice  they  journeyed  in  each  other's  com- 
pany to  Mansfeldt. 

It  is  pleasant  to  think  that  these  two  men  of  God, 


Luther's  death.  185 

who  for  a  time  seenu'd  about  to  l)e  wholly  08traiig\'d 
and  to  engag'e  iii  heree  theological  warfare,  resumed, 
in  these  last  months  of  Luther's  life,  their  former 
pleasant  relations;  that  the  dangers  whicli  threatened 
completely  to  alienate  their  hearts  from  each  other 
passed  away,  and  the  mutual  love  and  esteem  wliicli 
had  marked  their  earlier  years  re-asserted  themselves. 
They  were  soon  to  be  separated  by  death.  The  time 
was  at  hand,  when  the  heroic  form  of  Luther  w^ould 
disappear  from  the  field  of  coml)at,  and  the  peace- 
loving  Melanchthon  be  left  to  continue,  without  the 
support  of  his  resolute  friend,  the  battle  for  spiritual 
and  intellectual  freedom.  They  beheld  one  another 
alive  for  the  last  time  on  January  28,  1546.  On  that 
day  Luther,  with  his  three  sons,  departed  for  Eisleben, 
in  order  to  assist  in  settling  the  dispute  which  existed 
between  the  Counts  of  Mansfeldt. 

The  two  reformers  parted  as  good  friends,  and  a 
number  of  letters  passed  between  them.  Had  Me- 
lanchthon been  wxll  enough,  he  would  no  doubt  have 
gone  along  to  Mansfeldt,  as  he  had  done  twice  before. 
But  his  ill-health  kept  him  at  home.  On  Fel)ruary 
18th,  Luther  died  at  Eisleben  after  only  a  day's  ill- 
ness. On  the  very  day  of  his  death,  Melanchthon,  all 
unconscious  of  the  sad  event,  wrote  a  letter  which  lie 
intended  to  send  to  his  friend.  '^  To  the  venerable 
Dr.  Martin  Luther,"  he  says,  "distinguished  by  learn- 
ing, virtue  and  wisdom,  the  restorer  of  the  pure  doe- 
trine  of  the  Gospel,  my  dearest  Father I  thank 

you  for  writing  to  me  so  often  and  kindly.  And  I 
pray  God,  the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to 
bring  you  all   safely  home  again.''     On  the   next  day 


186 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


he  received  from  Jonas  the  tidings  of  Luther's  death. 
Great  was  his  grief  and  sorrow.  At  nine  o'clock  he 
was  to  lecture  tq  the  students  upon  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.     But  his  heart  was  too  full ;  he  could  not. 


Death  of  Luther. 


Instead  of  lecturing,  he  gave  to  the  students  an  ac- 
count of  the  sad  tidings  which  he  had  received ;  de- 
scrihed,  as  far  as  he  had  learned  it,  the  manner  of 
Luther's  death;  and  concluded  with  the  words: 
"  Alas  !  the  chariot  of  Israel,  which  ruled  the  Church 


Luther's  death.  187 

in  this  last  ap^e  of  the  worhl,  is  ^'oir'.  For  tlic  doc- 
trine of  remission  of  sins  and  faith  in  the  Son  of  God 
was  not  discovered  hy  human  sagacity,  hut  was 
brought  to  light  hy  God  through  tliis  man,  whom  \vi' 
ourselves  have  seen  raised  uj)  hy  God.  Therefore  let 
us  love  the  memory  of  this  man  and  the  doctrine 
which  he  proclaimed;  and  let  us  he  more  modest,  and 
consider  the  great  calamities  and  vast  changes  which 
will  follow  his  decease.  O  Son  of  God  and  Immanuel, 
who  wast  crucitied  for  us  and  didst  rise  again !  AVe 
beseech  Thee,  rule,  defend  and  preserve  Thy  Church. 
Amen." 

About  noon  on  February  22d,  Luther's  body  was 
brouo:ht  to  AVittenbero^.  Amid  the  rimrim?  <>f  bells, 
and  escorted  l)y  a  vast  multitude  of  people,  it  was  con- 
veyed to  the  Electoral  Church,  in  which  it  was  to  be 
consigned  to  its  last  resting  place.  After  Bugenhagen 
had  preached  the  funeral  sermon,  Melanchthon  also 
ascended  the  pulpit  and  delivered  a  Latin  memorial 
address.  He  laid  special  emphasis  upon  the  greatness 
of  Luther  as  an  instrument  for  good  in  God's  hand. 
He  mentioned  in  particular  Luther's  bringing  to  light 
the  pure  doctrine  of  the  Gospel,  his  translation  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  into  German,  and  the  debt  which  pious 
Christians  owed  to  him.  He  defended  Luther  against 
the  charge  of  excessive  harshness  and  severity  by 
quoting  from  Erasmus,  that  "  God  had  given  to  the 
Church  of  these  latter  times  a  rough  physician  l)ecause 
of  the  severity  of  the  disease."  Those  who  knew 
Luther,  he  said,  knew  him  to  be  amiable  and  kin<l- 
hearted,  and  by  no  means  insolent,  obstinate,  or  quar- 
relsome.    His  severity  did  not  }>roceed  from  a  (piarrel- 


188  LIFE    OF    MELANCIITHON. 

some  spirit,  but  from  a  zeal  for  the  truth.  The  purity 
of  Luther's  life,  he  declared,  was  unquestioned.  He 
sought  the  good  of  the  whole  Church  and  earnestly 
prayed  for  it.  In  great  and  dangerous  emergencies  he 
was  brave  and  courageous;  threats  and  impending 
dangers  did  not  terrify  him.  ISTothing  could  shake  his 
trust  and  confidence  in  God.  His  understanding  and 
foresight  were  such,  that  he  could  tell  sooner  and  better 
than  any  others  what  ought  to  be  done  in  difficult  or 
doubtful  cases.  Luther's  eloquence,  he  asserted,  would 
bear  comparison  with  that  of  the  best  orators  who 
have  ever  lived.  The  calling  away  of  a  man  so  highly 
gifted,  and  of  such  sound  learning.  Christian  experi- 
ence, and  great  virtues,  was  cause  for  the  deepest  sor- 
row. They  were,  indeed,  left  like  orphans ;  but  they 
should  ever  honor  the  memory,  hold  fast  the  doctrines, 
and  imitate  the  virtues  of  this  great  and  good  man. 

There  were  not  wanting  at  the  time  and  later,  peo- 
ple who  said  that  Melanchthon  did  not  really  grieve 
over  the  death  of  Luther.  They  took  it  for  granted 
that  the  estrangement  of  recent  years  had  left  a  rank- 
ling sore  in  Melanchthon's  heart.  But  to  conclude 
thus  is  to  do  him  great  injustice.  He  had  not,  it 
is  true,  wholly  escaped  the  vehemence  and  asperity 
of  Luther.  But  he  was  naturally  of  a  placable  dispo- 
sition. Besides,  the  pleasant  intercourse  which  had 
been  re-established  between  them  during  the  last 
months  of  Luther's  life  had  removed  the  sting  from  his 
recollection  of  the  past.  In  former  times  he  had  often 
excused  the  vehemence  of  Luther  as  a  fault  of  tempera- 
ment and  not  of  heart.  In  his  funeral  oration  he  like- 
wise sought  to  shield  his  friend  on  this  point.     And  it 


Luther's  death.  189 

« 

is  not  to  be  supposed,  therefore,  that,  when  all  about 
him  were  plunged  in  deepest  mournini:;  l)y  that  tj^reat 
man's  death,  Melaiu'lithon  alone  was  unmoved  at  heart. 
It  would  be  imputing  to  him  a  narrowness  of  s])irit 
which  he  little  possessed,  to  imagine  that  he  permitted 
his  own  past  grievances  to  cloud  his  sense  of  the  loss 
which  had  befallen  him  and  the  whole  Chui-cli.  Few 
appreciated  Luther's  greatness  and  fundamental  i)iety 
and  goodness  of  heart  as  well  as  did  this  man,  wlio 
had  labored  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  him  tor  so 
many  years.  In  nearly  all  his  letters  of  the  time  Me- 
lanchthon  mourns  over  the  great  loss  which  the 
Church  has  sustained.  On  Marcli  11th  he  wrote  to 
Camerarius  :  "  Since  Luther  is  dead,  it  becomes  all  up- 
right and  pious  people  to  speak  well  of  so  great  a  man, 
who  has  brought  to  light  a  portion,  at  least,  of  tin- 
heavenly  truth."  During  the  following  summer,  wlun 
Luther's  works  were  being  publisluMl,  Mdanchtbon 
wrote  an  introduction  to  the  second  volume,  giving  an 
interesting  account  of  the  great  reformer's  character 
and  work.  As  late  as  1557  he  celebrated  Luther's 
birthday  by  the  composition  of  an  appropriate  ])oe!n. 

All  these  considerations,  however,  were  ignored  l)y 
his  enemies,  and  they  would  have  it  that  he  was  filled 
with  bitterness  against  Luther.  A  great  commotion 
was  raised  particularly  by  a  letter  written  during  the 
Interim  to  the  Saxon  Chancellor  Carlowitz.  In  this 
letter  Melanchthon  spoke  of  Luther,  as  a  man  in  whom 
''  thi'  love  of  strife  was  not  small."  lie  (leten(h'<l  liim- 
self  in  a  letter  to  Veit  Dietrieh,  and  exphiined  that  he 
had  meant  the  words  in  a  heroic  sense,  sueh  as  that  in 
which  they  might  be  applied  to  a  Perieles,  a  Lysander 


190  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

r 

or  an  Agesilaus.  But  his  enemies  insisted  on  putting 
a  different  interpretation  upon  his  words,  and  attacked 
him  bitterly  on  account  of  them. 


CHAPTER    XX. 

THE  SCHMALCALD  WAE.       THE  DISSOLUTION   AND    RESTORA- 
TION OF  THE  UNIVERSITY.       1546-1547. 


I 


t  I  I  HE  war  whose  coming  Melanchthon  had  so 
long  feared  broke  out  shortly  after  Luther's 
death.  The  religious  discussion  at  Ratisbon 
ended  in  a  total  failure  to  effect  any  agreement.  It 
looked  unpromising  from  the  very  start.  The  Span- 
ish ecclesiastic  Malvenda  refused  to  follow  the  order 
of  the  Augsburg  Confession.  He  presented  nine 
theses  of  his  own  upon  the  doctrine  of  Justification. 
But  they  were  of  such  a  character  that  the  Protestants 
could  do  nothing  but  absolutely  reject  them.  The 
emperor  himself  seemed  to  be  determined  to  lay  all 
manner  of  difficulties  in  the  way  of  discussion  and 
agreement.  He  evidently  meant  to  resort  to  arms. 
The  Protestant  theologians,  therefore,  at  the  command 
of  the  elector,  withdrew  from  the  mock-discussion. 
It  was  e\^dent  that,  even  if  Melanchthon  himself  had 
been  present,  no  other  result  could  have  followed  un- 
der the  circumstances. 

A  crisis  was  plainly  at  hand.     The  elector  desired 
to  know  of  the  theologians  what  the  Protestant  princes 


THE    SCHMALCALD    WAR.  191 

might  do  in  case  they  were  attacked.  Through  Me- 
hiiiclithon  they  prepared  an  opinion,  in  which  they  de- 
chired,  that  as  soon  as  it  became  clear  that  the  em- 
peror meant  to  attack  them,  the  evangehcal  States 
would  certainly  have  a  right,  not  only  to  defend  them- 
selves, but  to  forestall  any  hostile  movements. 

When  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon  was  opened  on  June 
5th,  the  Protestants  demanded  to  know  the  reason 
of  the  warlike  preparations  which  were  being  made 
in  Germany,  Italy  and  the  ^STetherlands.  The  em- 
peror replied  that 'he  "had  hitherto  exerted  himself  to 
maintain  peace  in  Germany,  and  was  even  yet  ready 
to  show  favor  to  the  obedient;  but  that  against  those 
who  refused  to  obey,  he  was  prepared  to  proceed  with 
his  imperial  power."  Shortly  after  this,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  July,  the  pope  published  a  treaty  which  he  had 
made  with  the  emperor  for  the  extermination  of  the 
heretics.  Thereupon,  the  Protestants  published  a 
pamphlet,  in  which  they  accused  the  emperor  of  mak- 
ing war  upon  them  at  the  instigation  of  Anti-Christ. 
The  emperor  retaliated  by  placing  the  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony and  tlie  Landgrave  of  Hesse  under  the  imperial 
ban.  Melanchthon  published  Luther's  little  book,  '•  A 
Warning  to  my  Beloved  Germans,"  and  prefixed  to  it 
an  introduction,  in  which  he  drew  attention  to  the 
momentous  issues  before  the  people,  and  called  upon 
all  to  ai<l  in  the  preservation  of  the  truth. 

The  Schmalcald  "War  now  began.  Duke  Maurice 
of  Saxony,  being  promised  the  electoral  dignity  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  lands  of  the  ]>resent  elector, 
John  Frederick,  turned  traitor  to  the  Protestant  cause 
and  went  over  to  the  emperor.     Before  Charles,  how- 


192 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


DISSOLUTION    OF    THE    UNIVERSITY.  193 

ever,  had  time  to  gatlKT  liis  troops,  tlic  Protestants 
stood  on  the  hanks  of  the  Danuhe  witli  an  army  of 
tliirty  thousand  men.  Tf  they  liad  viji;orously  prose- 
cuted the  war  at  once,  they  miii;ht  easily  have  heen 
victorious.  But  they  hesitated  and  delayed  until  the 
emperor  had  received  powerful  re-inforcements.  Then 
came  the  tidings  that  Duke  Maurice  had  overrun  the 
territories  of  the  elector,  and  John  Frederick  hastened 
back  with  his  troops  to  expel  the  invader.  He  suc- 
ceeded; hut  in  the  following  s[)ring  he  was  himself 
defeated  hy  an  overwhelming  force  of  the  emperor  at 
Miihlberg.  He  was  taken  captive  and  condemned  to 
death.  But  the  emperor  did  not  venture  to  carry  out 
this  sentence.  He  therefore  proposed  to  change  the 
punishment  into  imprisonment  for  life,  on  condition 
that  John  Frederick  should  renounce  his  electoral  dig- 
nity and  territories  in  favor  of  his  cousin  Maurice. 
This  was  done.  The  landgrave  of  Hesse  also  was 
soon  afterward  treacherously  taken  prisoner  at  Halle. 
The  progress  of  the  war  rendered  necessary  the 
dissolution  of  the  university  at  Wittenberg.  Its  halls 
were  closed  on  Xovember  6th.  Three  days  later 
Duke  Maurice  advanced  u|)on  the  city.  Old  and 
young,  in  the  midst  of  a  violent  snowstorm,  fled  in 
dismay.  Melanchthon  was  obliged  to  look  for  a  }>lace 
of  safety  for  himself  and  his  family.  He  took  refuge 
in  the  town  of  Zerbst.  He  forme(l  a  ]»lan  of  gathering 
a  school  in  Magdeburg;  but,  after  sjicnding  a  week 
in  that  city,  he  found  it  impractical »le,  and  returned. 
AVith  the  exception  of  two  short  visits  to  Wittenberg, 
he  spent  this  whole  winter  in  Zerbst.  He  received 
numerous  invitations  to  go  elsewhere ;  but  he  had  not 

13 


194  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

given  up  the  hope  that  the  university  would  be  re- 
stored, and  he  therefore  declined  them  all. 

The  news  of  the  catastrophe  at  Miihlberg  filled  Me- 
lanchthon  with  grief  and  consternation.  He  looked 
forward  with  dread  to  the  consequences  which  would 
result  from  it  to  the  cause  of  the  Gospel.  Zerbst 
now  no  longer  ofiered  a  safe  retreat.  He  therefore 
took  refuore  in  Mascdeburo^.     Here  he  found  Luther's 

O  CD  CD 

widow,  who  begged  him  to  take  her  under  his  protec- 
tion. She  was  on  her  way  to  the  King  of  Denmark, 
who  had  offered  to  her,  as  he  also  had  to  Melanch- 
thon,  an  asylum.  He  accompanied  her  as  far  as 
Brunswick,  where  he  advised  her  to  remain,  because 
the  way  through  Liineburg  was  not  safe.  He  then 
turned  his  own  steps  to  ^N'ordhausen,  where  the 
mayor,  Meienburg,  was  his  friend.  From  here  he  in- 
tended to  make  a  journey  to  his  native  place.  But 
as  he  had  just  then  received  encouraging  reports  from 
Wittenberg,  he  dropped  his  plan  and  also  declined  a 
call  to  Tiibingen.  His  heart  was  in  Wittenberg,  and 
he  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to  go  elsewhere  as 
long  as  there  was  any  possibility  of  returning  thither. 
On  June  6th  he  learned  that  Maurice  had  been  in- 
vested with  the  electoral  dignity,  and  that  the  uni- 
versity would  likely  be  restored.  Two  days  later, 
Cruciger  sent  notice  to  all  the  professors  who  were  in 
exile  to  return  to  Wittenberg. 

But  now  a  delicate  question  arose,  and  had  to  be 
decided  by  Melanchthon.  A  portion  of  the  Elector 
John  Frederick's  dominions  had  been  left  to  his  sons. 
The  captive  prince  desired  that  a  new  institution 
should  be  founded  in  his  sons'  territory,  at  Jena.     He 


RESTORATION    OF    THE    UNIVERSITY.  195 

sent  a  letter  to  Mulanclithon,  and  entreated  liim  not  to 
remove  out  of  that  neiHiborliood  without  first  lettinir 
him  know.  To  this  Mehmchtlion  assented.  In  the 
month  of  Julj  he  learned  for  the  iirst  time  of  the  new 
institution  to  he  founded  at  Jena.  He  then  went  to 
the  court  at  AVeimar  to  learn  further  particulars.  But 
when  he  found  that  none  of  the  Wittenberg  professors 
hut  himself  were  to  he  called  t(^  Jena,  he  broke  off 
the  negotiations  and  returned  to  J^ordhausen.  He 
desired  to  live  and  labor  in  company  with  his  former 
colleagues,  and  could  not  bear  the  thought  of  com- 
plete separation  from  them.  Intending  to  discuss  the 
matter  with  some  friends,  he  started  for  Zerbst. 
AVhen  he  had  gone  as  far  as  Merseburg,  he  received 
letters  from  Cruciger  and  George  von  Anhalt,  in 
Avhich  he  was  invited  to  come  to  Leipzig.  The  new 
elector,  Maurice,  was  there  and  desired  to  speak  with 
Melanchthon  and  the  other  theoloo^ians.  When  Me- 
lanchthon  arrived,  he  was  kindly  received,  presented 
with  some  valuable  gifts,  and  asked  to  accept  a  ]iro- 
fessorship  in  Leipzig.  But  as  his  colleagues  had  al- 
ready besought  the  restoration  of  the  university  at 
Wittenberg,  he  decided  to  cast  his  lot  with  them,  and 
Avait  for  a  favorable  answer  to  their  request.  For  the 
same  reason,  also,  he  declined  calls  from  Demuark, 
Frankfort-on-the-Oder,  and  Koenigsberg.  The  ex- 
tent of  his  anxiety  to  return  to  Wittenberg  may  Ix- 
judged  from  the  fact,  that  during  this  time  he  was 
living  at  his  own  expense  and  drawing  no  salary,  and 
that  he  did  not  know  how  long  it  would  take  till  a  (h*- 
cision  in  the  matter  would  be  reached  in  the  electoral 
court  at  Dresden.     Finally,  however,  about  the  mid- 


196  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

die  of  October,  the  university  was  restored,  and  suffi- 
cient funds  were  set  apart  for  its  support.  He  there- 
upon removed  his  family  from  I^ordhausen,  and  found 
himself,  to  his  great  joy,  once  more  at  home  in  his  old 
position. 

The  course  which  Melanchthon  pursued  in  this 
matter  was  greatly  censured  at  the  time  by  friends  of 
the  unfortunate  elector  John  Frederick.  ^N^othing  was 
said  about  the  other  professors  when  they  resumed 
their  old  places,  but  Melanchthon  was  decried  far  and 
wide  for  so  doing.  He  was  accused  of  ingratitude 
and  unfaithfulness  to  the  captive  prince.  Many  since 
then  have  supposed  it  would  have  been  more  honor- 
able in  him  to  have  gone  to  Jena.  Whatever  may  be 
thought  of  his  conduct,  it  must,  in  order  to  judge  cor- 
rectly, be  borne  in  mind  that  Melanchthon  was  not 
attached  to  the  court  of  that  ruler,  but  was  a  professor 
in  the  university.  However  deeply  he  may  have  sym- 
jDathized  with  the  captive  prince,  it  was  natural  that 
his  heart  should  turn  to  the  city  Avhich  had  become 
endeared  to  him  by  so  many  tender  associations,  and 
the  institution  where  the  best  years  of  his  life  had  been 
spent.  He  was  loudly  accused  of  having  expressly 
promised  to  assist  the  sons  of  the  former  elector  in 
founding  the  new  university.  But  he  had  only  con- 
sented not  to  remove  out  of  their  territory  without 
first  letting  them  know.  It  may  be  well  to  let  Me- 
lanchthon speak  for  himself,  and  Ave  therefore  give 
extracts  from  two  of  his  letters  explaining  the  reasons 
for  his  conduct. 

To  Aquilla  he  wrote,   August  29th :    "  A  melan- 
choly mind,  as  Ennius  says,  always  errs.     Perhaps,  in 


RESTORATION    OF    THE    UNIVERSITY.  197 

my  sadness,  I  cherished  too  great  a  longing  for  my  old 
friends  with  whom  I  lahored  in  the  same  work  so 
long.  Perhaps  I  hoped  too  much  when,  in  these  un- 
propitious  times,  I  regarded  as  possihle  the  restora- 
tion of  the  university,  the  certainty  of  which  is  l)y  no 
means  apparent.  But  at  all  events,  I  have  not  striven 
for  carnal  pleasures  or  riches."  Then  in  reply  to  cer- 
tain other  accusations,  he  continued :  "  When  some 
say  that  the  pnsachers  at  this  place  incline  to  other 
doctrines,  they  do  great  injustice  to  this  Church, 
which  has  already  endured  so  much.  By  God's  grace 
the  Gospel  is  preached  in  Wittenherg  with  great 
unanimity  in  the  same  manner  as  hefore  the  war." 

On  October  18th,  he  wrote  to  Strigel :  "When  we 
were  encouraged  to  believe  that  the  university  would 
be  restored,  I  dared  lay  nothing  in  the  way  of  the 
project;  for  the  university  has  certainly  been  of  great 
advantage  to  a  large  part  of  Germany,  and  if  it  ceased 
to  exist,  then  would  not  only  the  cluiri'hes  of  the 
neighborhood  be  involved  in  great  darkness,  l)ut  our 
enemies  would  regard  it  as  a  triumph.  T  also  per- 
ceived the  difficulties  with  which  the  Thuringian  court 
would  have  to  contend,  and  I  feared  that  the  founding 
of  a  new  university  might  draw  still  more  odium  upon 
the  captive  prince.  If,  while  stationed  at  such  an  uni- 
versity, I  had  said  or  written  anything  against  the  de- 
crees of  the  Council  of  Trent,  the  young  princes  would 
have  become  involved  in  new  dangers.  What  is  said 
concerning  promises  which  I  should  have  made,  I  do 
not  understand;  for  they  have  my  writing  in  liand,  in 
which  I  spoke  of  these  perils.  Before  the  project  of  a 
new  school  was  broached,  I  wrote  that  T  would  rather 


198  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

serve  them  than  others;  and  this  I  would  even  yet 
rather  do,  if  they  had  a  place  in  which  I  might  be  of 
use  to  them  without  danger  of  injuring  them.  To 
speak  frankly,  I  was  surprised  that  in  these  sorrowful 
times,  even  before  the  clouds  of  battle  had  rolled 
away,  they  should  think  of  founding  a  new  uni- 
versity." 

After  Melanchthon  had  resumed  his  lectures  at 
Wittenberg,  the  university  in  that  city  regained  its 
former  exalted  position  as  the  chief  Protestant  uni- 
versity in  the  world ;  and  Melanchthon  himself  easily 
ranked  as  the  greatest  living  theologian. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

THE    AUGSBURG    INTERIM.       THE    LEIPZIG    INTERIM. 
CONTROVERSIES.       1548-1550. 

WHEX,  on  the  1st  of  September,  1547,  another 
diet  was  held  at  Augsburg,  it  soon  be- 
came apparent  that  the  emperor  had 
waged  the  late  war  not  so  much  in  the  pope's  interest, 
as  in  his  own.  His  chief  concern  had  been  to  establish 
his  imperial  authority  and  prestige.  He  now  proposed 
to  show  that  he  was  able,  without  any  assistance  from 
the  pope,  to  restore  peace  and  unity  in  the  religious 
affairs  of  his  realm.  He  demanded  that  the  Protest- 
ants should  submit  to  the  decrees  of  the  council,  pro- 
vided, that  it  should  be  re-transferred  from  Bologna 
to  Trent,  and  should  be  conducted  in  an  orderly  Chris- 


THE    AUGSBURG    INTERIM.  199 

tian  way.  But  as  the  deliberations  of  the  council  hade 
lair  to  consume  a  long  period  of  time,  he  recommended 
to  the  States  the  appointment  of  a  commission  of  com- 
petent and  learned  men,  who  should  consult  together 
on  ways  and  means  to  restore  religious  unity,  and  com- 
pile a  set  of  regulations  for  doctrine  and  practice 
which  should  he  observed  in  the  interim ;  that  is, 
until  the  decrees  of  the  council  should  be  made  and 
accepted. 

The  elector  Maurice  acquainted  his  theologians  with 
this  recommendation  and  desired  their  ojanion.  He 
also  commanded  them  to  keep  themselves  in  readiness 
for  a  journey  to  Augsburg.  Uiider  date  of  January 
22,  1548,  the  theologians  wrote  to  him  that  they 
greatly  distrusted  this  prospective  '*  interim,"  and 
feared  that  it  would  work  mischief  In  a  separate 
opinion  of  his  own,  Melanchthon  stated  that  he  re- 
garded consent  to  a  continuation  of  the  council  as 
consent  to  accept  its  decrees,  and  that  he  could  not 
thus  burden  his  conscience.  It  is  evident  from  this, 
that  Melanchthon  had  determined  to  remain  true  to 
the  evangelical  cause  in  that  trying  period.  Tie  de- 
serves all  the  more  credit  for  so  doing,  because  his 
delivery  to  the  emperor  had  already  been  twice  de- 
manded. He  felt,  also,  that  in  this  crisis  he  dared  not 
leave  Wittenberg,  and  therefore  repeatedly  declined 
invitations  from  the  King  of  Denmark  and  Edward 
VI.  of  England  to  come  to  those  countries. 

Meanwhile,  however,  the  plans  of  the  emperor  were 
being  carried  out.  A  book,  suite<l  to  his  pur[H»se,  li;i<l 
been  laid  before  him.  It  ])n)posed  to  bring  about  an 
aorreement  between  Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics, 


200 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


and  was  to  be  adopted  as  the  rule  for  guidance  during 
the  interim.  Hence  its  name,  "  The  Augsburg  In- 
terim." It  is  supposed  that  this  book  was  given  to 
the  emperor  by  Joachim  II.  of  Brandenburg.  As  far 
as  its  authorship  is  concerned,  it  is  quite  certain  that 


JOHAN   AGRICOXA      iSXEBrV^  TH£OlOC,VS 

BRANT>EBYn^ leys'  IT  C^SERAll$    MAKCHt/c. 

3vi>EBmTENDrAr5 . 


Agricola. 


John  Agricola,  of  Berlin,  had  a  share  in  it ;  for  when 
he  entered  his  carriage  to  proceed  to  the  diet,  he  is  said 
to  have  declared  that  he  was  going  to  Augsburg  as  the 
reformer  of  Germany.  The  emperor  appointed  Julius 
von  Pflug  and  Michael  Ilelding,  together  with  Agri- 
cola,  to  give  the  l)ook  a  proper  form,  so  that  it  might 


THE  AUGSBURG  INTERIM.  201 

be  published  at  once,  and  serve  as  a  tempcrarv  ionn  of* 
doctrine  and  discipline. 

Agricola  could  not  ^et  done  ])oasting  of  what  this 
Interim  would  accomplish.  But  Melanchthon  viewed 
it  quite  differently,  and  thanked  God  that  he  had  noth- 
ma:  to  do  with  it.  Duke  Maurice  was  far  from  beinff 
pleased  with  it.  He  commanded  his  theologians  to 
proceed  as  far  as  Zwickau  and  there  await  develop- 
ments. While  they  were  on  the  way  thither,  w^ord 
was  sent  by  him  to  Melanchthon  to  remain  at  Alten- 
burg,  to  which  place  the  theologians  had  already  come, 
and  to  prepare  an  opinion  on  the  Interim  ;  then  he  was 
to  retire  to  Klosterzelle  and  remain  there,  because  the 
emperor  had  made  demand  for  his  delivery  or  banish- 
ment. In  the  opinion  which  he  prepared,  Melaneh- 
tlion  said  that  the  Interim  resembled  the  Ratisbon 
book,  though  some  articles  were  more  sharply,  and 
others  more  moderately  worded;  and  that  it  con- 
tained many  generalities  which  were  odious  and  dan- 
gerous. After  he  had  examined  the  Interim  more 
carefully,  he  prepared  a  second  opinion  at  Klosterzelle. 
He  stated  that  he  had  given  these  matters  further  con- 
sideration, particularly  the  deceptive  ]»assages  in  tlie 
articles  on  Faith  and  Love.  Their  rt'al  teachinir  <»n 
these  points  he  found  to  be,  that  faith  is  only  a  }> repara- 
tion for  righteousness,  and  that  faith  is  followed  by 
love,  which  justifies  man.  This  would  iiuply  that  man 
is  justified  by  his  own  w^orks  and  vii-tucs,  and  against 
tills,  he  said,  he  must  protest.  In  tlie  sanic  niamuT 
he  attacked  the  teaching  of  the  Interim  on  tin-  Mass. 

Thereupon  the  elector  (hnianded  a  detailed  and  dis- 
passionate criticism  of  every  article.     Tlie  theologians 


202  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

accordingly  assembled  at  Melanelithon's  residence  in 
Klosterzelle,  and  after  several  day's  work  sent,  on 
April  24th,  a  third  opinion.  They  declared  that,  while 
they  would  consent  to  confirmation,  extreme  unction, 
the  power  of  the  bishops,  private  absolution  without 
auricular  confession,  and  several  festivals  and  ceremo- 
nies, provided  that  work-righteousness  and  the  invoca- 
cation  of  the  saints  were  left  away ;  yet  they  were 
obliged  to  reject  all  the  other  articles,  particu- 
larly those  concerning  justification,  private  masses, 
masses  for  souls,  and  the  canons.  A  few  days  later, 
on  April  28th,  Melanchthon  wrote  to  Chancellor 
Christopher  von  Carlowitz.  This  is  the  letter  which 
gave  such  oftence  to  many  friends  of  Luther.  The 
chancellor  had  written  to  Melanchthon  to  be  more 
moderate,  and  the  latter,  therefore,  in  his  reply  gave 
the  reasons,  why  the  Interim  was  rejected  by  him.  He 
says  among  other  things  :  "  The  elector  may  determine 
as  he  pleases.  If  I  cannot  approve  of  all,  I  shall 
nevertheless  not  raise  a  disturbance,  but  either  hold 
my  peace,  or  go  away,  or  put  up  with  affairs  as  best  I 
may.  I  formerly  bore  an  almost  dishonorable  ser- 
vitude, when  Luther  obeyed  more  the  promptings  of 
his  own  natural  temperament  in  which  there  was  no 
small  love  of  strife,  than  he  did  those  of  his  own  dig- 
nity or  the  public  welfare.  But  when  you  say  that  I 
am  not  only  expected  to  be  quiet  but  to  indorse  the 
Interim,  you  must  see  yourself,  as  an  intelligent  man, 
that  there  is  a  vast  difference  in  human  temperaments, 
points  of  view  and  sentiments.  I  am  naturally  l)y  no 
means  fond  of  strife,  and  I  love  concord  among  men 
as  much  as  any  one.     I  did  not  begin  these  contro- 


THE    AUGSBURG    INTERIM.  203 

versies  whicli  liave  unsettled  the  whole  general  order 
of  things.  I  eanie  when  they  had  already  been  stirred 
up  and  were  in  the  process  of  development;  and  I  be- 
gan with  a  sincere  desire  for  the  trutli  to  investigate 
these  matters,  especially  because  many  learned  and 
prudent  men  had  given  them  their  approval.  In  those 
days,  many  who  now  at  the  diet  of  Augsburg  accuse 
me  as  the  cause  of  disunion  made  me  so  odious  at 
court  on  account  of  my  moderation,  that  my  life  was 
endangered.  Since  that  time,  for  almost  twenty  years, 
many  have  called  me  '  frost  and  ice,'  others  have  said 
I  courted  favor  with  the  enemy.  I  even  remember 
that  some  one  accused  me  of  seeking  a  cardinal's  hat. 
Without  paying  heed  to  these  unjust  criticisms,  I  have 
sought,  whenever  I  came  to  speak  of  the  doctrines  of 
the  Church,  to  state  as  clearly  as  possible  the  essential 
points;  and  I  cut  off  many  unnecessary  questions  and 
avoided  many  subjects,  in  order  not  to  stir  up  greater 
disunion.  I  cannot  bear  to  think  of  having  the  Chunli 
disturbed  by  a  change  in  her  doctrines  or  by  the  ban- 
ishment of  her  upright  men."  He  then  expressed  his 
w^illingness  to  concede  jurisdiction  to  the  bishops,  l)e- 
cause  "it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  the  courts  of  un- 
learned princes  will,  for  any  great  length  of  time, 
exercise  greater  care  in  looking  after  the  i>ure  doc- 
trine." He  expressed  himself  willing  to  accept  als(^ 
the  ceremonies  prescribed,  because  "as  a  Itoy  he  had 
always  watched  \\  itli  particular  pleasure  all  the  cere- 
monies of  the  Church,"  P)Ut  so  far  as  regards  tlie 
Faith,  he  said  he  must  abide  l»y  the  criticisms  wliicli 
he  had  made  of  the  Interim.  He  concluded:  "  If  on 
this  account  T  shall  be  reirarded  as  a  disturber  of  the 


204  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHOX. 

peace,  because  I  will  not  say  yea  to  all  that  the  book 
contains,  I  shall,  with  God's  help,  bear  the  conse- 
quences, whatever  they  may  be,  like  many  have  done 
before  who,  in  causes  that  were  just  but  much  less  im- 
portant than  these,  have  preferred  the  truth  to  their 
own  life." 

This  remarkable  letter  was  meant  to  convince  Car- 
lowitz,  that  none  but  the  weightiest  reasons  would 
have  induced  one  who  was  so  well  known  as  a 
lover  of  peace  to  reject  the  Interim.  Indeed,  at  this 
very  time  Melanchthon  was  in  constant  danger  of  ban- 
ishment or  imprisonment  for  the  frank  opinion  con- 
cerning the  Interim  which  he  had  sent  to  Augsburg. 
But  he  was  determined  to  abide  by  his  opinion  at 
whatever  risk,  and  refused  to  seek  safety  by  accepting 
any  of  the  calls  which  came  to  him  from  England  or 
elsewhere. 

This  Interim  pleased  the  Roman  Catholics  little  bet- 
ter. They  declared  they  would  continue  to  do  as 
they  had  done  hitherto,  but  were  satisfied  to  have  the 
Protestants  brought  back  to  the  old  way.  Referring 
to  this  declaration  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  Melanch- 
thon, in  an  opinion  delivered  on  April  29th,  the  day 
after  his  return  to  Wittenberg,  advised  that  the  nego- 
tiations be  broken  off,  because,  even  if  a  peace  were 
effected,  it  would  after  all  be  like  a  compact  between 
wolves  and  lambs. 

This  book  of  the  Interim  was  read  to  the  diet  on 
May  15th.  The  Roman  Catholics  were  left  free  in 
their  action,  but  the  Protestants  were  commanded  to 
adhere  to  it  until  the  decrees  of  the  council  were  made 
public.     But  when  the  Interim  was  to  be  introduced 


THE  AUGSBURG  INTERIM.  205 

in  Protestant  countries  it  met  with  strong  o[>positi()n. 
Of  the  Protestant  princes  present  at  Auij^shurg,  the 
Margrave  Wolfgang  and  John  von  Kuestrin,  togetlier 
with  the  captive  prince  John  Frederick,  alone  refused 
to  sis'n  it.  But  the  evano^elical  clerefv  and  tlic  Free 
Cities  violently  opposed  it.  Strashurg  for  a  long  time 
resisted  every  threat.  In  Ulni  the  clergy  were  im- 
prisoned. In  Hesse,  Ducal  Saxony,  Ilamhurg,  Lii- 
beck,  Bremen  and  Liinburg,  the  Interim  was  uiu-on- 
ditionally  rejected.  The  city  of  Magdeburg  was 
particularly  distinguished  for  its  resistance  and  for  the 
attacks  which  were  made  from  it  upon  the  Interim. 
In  Swabia  and  along  the  Phine  four  hundred  evangel- 
ical preachers  were  driven  into  exile,  before  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  liturgy  could  again  be  introduced. 

The  elector  Maurice'  signed  the  Interim,  but  con- 
ditionally. He  presented  a  protest,  in  which  he  de- 
clared to  the  diet  that  he  could  not  consent  to  l)e  held 
responsible  for  its  introduction,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
made  binding  only  on  one  party.  BesiiU's,  he  said, 
the  Reformation  had  taken  a  strong  hohl  upon  his 
dominions.  When  he  returned  to  his  own  territory, 
he  did  not  attempt  to  force  the  Interim  upon  liis  peo- 
ple, but  requested  of  his  Wittenberg  tlieologians  an 
opinion  which  he  miglit  lay  before  the  Saxon  Chamber 
of  Deputies.  This  ojtinion,  written  by  >[elanchthon 
and  given  to  the  elector  June  16th,  declared  that,  since 
the  bishops  Avould  not  consent  to  any  accommodation, 
it  would  l)e  better  to  leave  the  Cliurcli  of  Saxony 
alone,  and  not  endeavor  to  introduce  tlie  Interim. 
The  defects  of  the  book  and  the  reasons  for  rejecting 
it  were  then  pointed  out.     The  opinit)n  was  signed  by 


206  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

Bugenhagen,  Pfeffinger,  Cruciger,  Major,  and  Fros- 
cliel. 

When  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  assembled  July  2d, 
with  Melanchthon,  Cruciger  and  Major  present,  the 
subject  of  the  Interim  was  taken  up.  It  was  decided 
to  go  through  the  book  article  by  article,  and  then  to 
request  the  emperor  to  excuse  them  from  enforcing 
such  portions  of  it  as  were  unscriptural.  Desiring 
more  light  upon  the  subject,  the  deputies  requested 
another  opinion  which  should  treat  particularly  of 
the  doctrines  of  Justification,  Faith  and  Good  Works. 
When  this  had  been  prepared,  the  theologians  in  turn 
suggested  that  a  detailed  statement  of  their  doctrinal 
position  be  sent  to  the  emperor.  Melanchthon  had 
already  begun  to  work  upon  such  a  statement,  when, 
before  having  proceeded  very  far,  he  saw  that  it  would 
consume  a  great  deal  of  time.  He  concluded  that  it 
would  be  better  simply  to  ask  the  emperor  to  allow 
the  Saxon  Church  to  remain  in  its  present  condition. 
The  deputies  desired  the  elector  to  send  such  a  request. 
But  Maurice  refused  to  do  this,  because  he  thought  it 
would  create  a  breach  between  him  and  the  emperor ; 
and  he  demanded  that  something,  at  least,  be  yielded 
in  indifferent  matters,  and  the  final  decision  be  post- 
poned until  the  next  meeting  of  the  Chamber. 

Melanchthon  was  pleased  with  the  course  Avhich 
matters  were  taking  thus  far.  It  looked  as  if  the  In- 
terim would  be  rejected  in  Saxony.  His  letters  show 
how  strong  were  his  feelings  upon  this  subject.  Writ- 
ing to  the  Margrave  John  of  Brandenburg-Kuestrin, 
he  says :  "In  the  article  of  Justification  there  are  cer- 
tainly contained  great  errors.     So  also  in  other  arti- 


THE    AUGSBURG    INTERIM.  207 

cles.  With  God'rt  help  I,  for  my  part,  will  not  approve 
of  this  Interim.  For  this  I  have  the  hest  of  reasons. 
I  v^ill  commend  my  miserable  life  to  God,  even  though 
I  should  be  taken  captive  or  exiled." 

Melanchthon  was  frequently  asked  for  advice  by 
people  in  other  parts,  who  wanted  to  know  what  they 
should  do  with  regard  to  the  Interim.  To  those  who 
were  most  endangered  he  replied  that  they  should  be 
prudent,  yield  in  outward  matters,  and  then  they  would 
have  little  to  fear.  While  this  was  not  exactly  recom- 
mending the  spirit  of  the  martyrs  for  their  imitation, 
yet,  it  should  be  said,  he  never  advised  any  one  to 
yield  in  matters  of  doctrine. 

Before  the  next  Chamber  of  Deputies  assembled, 
Maurice  called  a  conference  at  Pegau,  to  be  held 
August  28th,  between  the  two  bishops  of  his  realm, 
Pflug,  of  Xaumburg,  and  Maltitz,  of  Meissen,  and 
Melanchthon,  George  von  Anhalt,  Forster  and  Eljcr. 
The  elector  urged  his  theologians  to  yield  in  all  mat- 
ters that  did  not  conflict  with  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
Although  a  partial  agreement  on  the  subject  of  Justi- 
fication was  reached  at  this  conference,  nothing  was 
accomplished  after  all,  because  the  bishops  declared 
that  they  could  not  consent  to  any  change  in  the  In- 
terim. Melanchthon  therefore  departed  from  Pegau 
on  August  25,  tarried  three  days  in  Leipzig,  and 
reached  Wittenberg  on  the  thirtieth  of  the  month. 
To  his  sorrow  he  found  his  good  friend  Cruciger  very 
ill  with  consumption,  of  which  he  died  the  following 
Xovember. 

At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Deputies,  held  at  Tor- 
gau,  October  18th,  matters  took  a  turn  which  was  de- 


208  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

cideclly  unsatisfactory  to  Melanchthon.  On  the  very 
first  day  of  the  meeting,  three  electoral  counselors  and 
four  knights  arose  and  said  that,  if  the  country  was  not 
to  be  plunged  into  misery,  the  emperor  must  be  obeyed 
as  far  as  possible.  They  had  therefore  prepared  a  list 
of  the  articles  which  might,  in  their  judgment,  be  ac- 
cepted with  a  good  conscience,  and  they  would  hand 
this  list  to  the  theologians  for  examination.  This 
document  contained  the  article  of  Justification  as 
agreed  upon  at  Pegau,  together  with  others  on  the 
authority  of  the  Church,  Confirmation,  Repentance, 
Extreme  Unction,  Ordination,  the  Mass,  Vigils,  Fes- 
tivals, Processions  and  eating  of  Meats.  The  theolo- 
gians objected,  but  little  attention  was  paid  to  them. 
It  was  evident  that  Maurice  was  determined  to  main- 
tain good  relations  with  the  emperor,  even  at  the  cost 
of  re-instating  many  Romish  errors. 

When  Melanchthon,  on  October  20th,  left  Torgau,  he 
was  deeply  distressed  by  the  course  which  aftairs  were 
taking.  Nevertheless  he  permitted  himself,  shortly 
afterwards,  to  be  induced  to  take  part,  greatly  to  his 
subsequent  regret,  in  the  preparation  of  the  com- 
promise known  as  the  Leipzig  Interim.  On  Novem- 
ber 16th  he  attended  a  convention  of  theologians  at 
Klosterzelle  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the  liturgy 
which  had  been  published  in  1539  and  approved  by 
Luther,  and  of  adapting  it  to  the  elector's  purpose. 
Those  gathered  with  him  were  Bugenhagen,  Major, 
Camerarius  and  the  Superintendents  Lauterbach,  of 
Pima,  and  Weller,  of  Freiberg.  While  they  were 
there  assembled,  the  list  of  articles  proposed  at  Tor- 
gau by  the  seven  deputies  was   laid  before  them  by 


THE    LEIPZIG    INTERIM. 


209 


John  Bugenhage>\ 


14 


210  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

the  electoral  counselors.  The  theologians  were  di- 
rected to  examine  and  improve  these  articles,  and  to 
let  the  emperor  see  that  there  was  no  lack  of  willing- 
ness to  obey,  as  far  as  was  possible  with  a  good  con- 
science and  consistent  with  the  Word  of  God.  The 
theologians  replied  that  they  had  already  signified 
their  willingness  to  yield  in  all  non-essential  matters, 
such  as  festivals,  hymns,  clerical  robes,  meats,  etc., 
but  that  they  could  not  consent  to  erroneous  doctrines 
or  idolatrous  ceremonies.  But  the  counselors  in- 
sisted on  retaining  the  articles  presented  at  Torgau, 
and  proceeded  to  place  together,  without  the  assist- 
ance of  the  theologians,  all  the  subjects  which  in  their 
judgment  were  adiaphora  (indifferent  matters). 

This  document  became  known  as  the  Recess  of 
Celle.  It  was  signed  by  the  electors  of  Saxony  and 
Brandenburg  at  Jiiterbock,  and  laid  before  the  Cham- 
ber of  Deputies  at  the  meeting  opened  in  Leipzig  on 
December  21st.  It  was  adopted  by  the  deputies,  and 
then  became  known  as  the  "Leipzig  Interim."  It 
proposed  to  retain  the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Lutheran 
Church,  but  to  re-introduce  such  Roman  Catholic  cere- 
monies as  might  be  regarded  as  adiaphora  and  might 
be  observed  without  conflicting  with  the  Scriptures. 

Since  this  Interim  was  afterwards  the  subject  of 
much  controvers}^  we  will  give  a  short  synopsis  of  its 
contents :  The  article  of  Justification  was  given  in  the 
form  agreed  upon  at  Pegau.  It  stated  :  "  Although 
God  does  not  justify  men  by  the  merit  of  the  works 
which  they  perform,  but  out  of  grace,  freely  and  Avith- 
out  our  merit,  and  the  praise  is  not  ours,  but  Christ's, 
through  whose  merit  alone  we  are  justified  from  our 


CONTROVERSIES.  211 

sins;  nevertheless,  God  does  not  deal  with  men  as 
with  a  hlock,  but  draws  them  in  such  a  way  that,  if 
they  have  arrived  at  the  age  of  discretion,  their  will 
co-operates  with  His.  For  no  one  receives  the  merit 
of  Christ,  unless  his  will  and  heart  have  been  moved 
by  prevenient  grace,  so  that  he  trembles  at  God's 
wrath  and  is  displeased  with  sin.  It  is  beyond  doubt, 
that  in  conversion  there  must  be  repentance  and  fear 
of  God's  wrath.  As  long  as  there  remains  a  security 
which  permits  man  to  persist  in  Avilful  sin,  there  is  no 
conversion  or  forgiveness."  Of  Good  Works  it  declared 
that  "  they  are  necessary  because  God  commands  them. 
They  please  God  because  the  person  who  performs 
them  believes  in  Christ's  merit.  They  are  necessary, 
because  their  absence  would  be  an  evidence  that  men 
are  not  spiritually  awakened  and  have  not  experienced 
God's  grace.  Furthermore,  because  these  virtues  and 
good  works  please  God,  they  obtain,  according  to 
God's  plan,  a  temporal  and  spiritual  reward  in  tliis 
life,  and,  by  reason  of  God's  promise,  a  further  re- 
ward in  eternal  life." 

Up  to  this  point  the  articles  had  been  drawn  up  by 
Melanchthon.  The  rest,  composed  by  the  electoral 
counselors,  were  in  substance  about  as  follows  :  AVhat 
the  Church  decrees  in  matters  of  faith  is  to  be  accepted, 
unless  it  conflicts  with  the  Scriptures.  The  Bishops 
are  to  retain  authority  over  the  other  clergy,  Init  are 
to  use  their  office,  in  accordance  with  God's  command, 
for  edification  and  not  for  destruction.  Baptism  is  to 
be  administered  with  exorcism.  Coiifirrnation  is  to  be 
retained.  Repentance^  Confession  and  Ahsobftioji  are  to 
be  ri2;idlv  enforced,  and  no  one  is  to  ])e  admitted  to 


212  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

the  Lord's  Supper  without  them.  Extreme  Unction 
may  be  employed,  but  a  superstitious  use  of  it  is  to  be 
avoided.  Before  Ordination  the  candidates  are  to  be 
carefully  examined  by  the  bishops.  Marriage  is  to  be 
allowed  to  all  classes  according  to  God's  institution. 
The  Mass  is  to  be  celebrated  with  the  ringing  of  bells, 
the  use  of  lights,  vessels,  singing,  robes  and  cere- 
monies.. The  Public  Services  are  to  be  conducted 
largely  in  Latin.  The  pictures  of  Saints  are  to  serve 
for  remembrance,  but  not  for  worship.  The  Canonical 
Hours  and  other  hymns  may  be  introduced  again.  The 
festival  of  Corpus  Christi  and  those  devoted  to  the 
Virgin  Mary  are  to  be  observed.  Abstention  from 
Meats  on  Friday  and  Saturday  and  during  the  season 
of  Lent  may  be  enjoined  as  an  outward  ordinance. 
The  Clergy  are  to  dress  differently  from  laymen. 

The  deputies  took  exception  at  first  to  the  articles 
on  ordination,  confirmation,  unction,  the  festival  of 
Corpus  Christi,  and  the  mass.  But  when  they  were 
assured  by  the  theologians  that  these  articles,  properly 
interpreted,  were  unobjectionable,  the  deputies  con- 
sented to  receive  them  with  the  rest. 

Immediately  after  his  return  from  Leipzig  to  Wit- 
tenberg, on  January  6th,  1549,  Melanchthon  wrote  to 
a  friend  :  "  The  action  at  Leipzig  afiects  no  change  in 
Church,  because  the  contention  concerning  the  mass 
and  the  canon  is  postponed  for  further  consideration." 
But  while  he  took  such  a  favorable  view  of  the  matter, 
it  must  be  said  that  the  adoption  of  the  Interim  was  a 
perilous  step.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  summary  of  its 
contents  given  above,  that  it  proposed  to  re-introduce 
a  great  number  of  Romish  ceremonies  under  the  plea 


CONTROVERSIES.  213 

that  they  were  indifferent  matters.  Those  who  favored 
it  maintained,  indeed,  that  the  observance  of  these 
ceremonies  would  not  injure  the  pure  doctrine.  But 
this  was  by  no  means  certain.  These  ceremonies  had 
already  been  abolished  because  of  the  errors  of  faith 
connected  with  them.  They  were  now  to  be  re-intro- 
duced at  the  dictation  of  the  enemies  of  the  truth  and 
contrary  to  the  convictions  of  the  Protestants;  and 
there  was  danger,  when  the  door  was  opened  to  these 
Romish  ceremonies,  that  the  errors  which  for  ages  had 
been  connected  with  them  would  gain  admittance  also. 
If  so  great  a  care  was  to  be  used  in  making  the  Pro- 
testant Church,  in  its  outward  form  and  dress,  look  like 
the  Roman  Catholic,  would  not  sooner  or  later  the 
spirit  and  life  of  the  two  Churches  grow  similar  also  ? 
In  order  to  introduce  the  Interim  adopted  at  Leip- 
zig, it  was  necessary  to  prepare  a  new  liturgy  for  the 
churches.  This  task  was  entrusted  to  George  von 
Anhalt,  administrator  of  the  bishopric  of  Merseburg. 
He  used  as  the  basis  of  his  work  the  liturgy  of  1539, 
mentioned  before.  A  number  of  conventions  were 
held  to  deliberate  upon  the  changes  to  be  made,  and 
for  this  purpose  Melanchthon  journeyed  to  Merseburg 
on  March  8th,  and  to  the  meeting  of  deputies  at  Tor- 
gau  on  April  13th.  An  adherent  of  Flacius  had  ac- 
cused the  Saxon  theolo2:ians  of  seekino;  to  lead  tlic 
people  back  to  Romanism.  Melanchthon,  therefore, 
presented  at  this  meeting  a  defence  of  himself  and  his 
colleagues.  He  said  that  they  had  yielded  in  what 
they  considered  indifferent  things,  in  order  to  retain 
the  necessary  ones.  This  did  not  imply,  he  claimed, 
that  they  were  leaning  toward  popery ;   *'  for  the  cere- 


214  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

monies  whose  introduction  was  conceded  had  existed 
in  the  early  Church,  and  were  necessary  for  a  proper 
uniformity  in  practice.  Nor  was  it  just  to  accuse  them 
of  yiekling  through  fear ;  for,  even  if  fear  had  some- 
thing to  do  with  the  matter,  it  was  not  fear  for  their 
own  persons,  but  for  the  welfare  of  the  people,  their 
children,  and  society  in  general.  They  had  sought  by 
yielding  in  non-essential  matters  to  preserve  the  essen- 
tial articles  of  their  faith.  Luther  himself  had  coun- 
seled some  to  yield  in  indifferent  matters.  Besides, 
they  had  not  introduced  any  new  ceremonies,"  he 
said,  but  "  had  simply  modified,  for  the  sake  of  order 
and  uniformity,  those  which  already  existed,  in  order 
that  the  pure  doctrine  might  be  preserved  and  neigh- 
boring churches,  like  those  of  Silesia,  which  had  com- 
plained of  the  former  lack  of  uniformity,  might  begin 
to  regard  the  Gospel  with  favor." 

Melanchthon  was  soon  assailed  by  many  of  the 
stricter  adherents  of  Luther  for  his  consent  to  the  In- 
terim. In  January,  1549,  the  theologians  of  Berlin 
inquired  of  those  at  Wittenberg  whether  all  the  prac- 
tices and  customs  of  the  Romish  Church,  such  as  the 
use  of  "  holy  water,  salt,  herbs,  palms,  consecration  of 
unleavened  bread,  processions  with  flags  and  torches, 
unctions  at  baptisms,"  and  the  like,  were  to  be  re- 
garded as  adiaphora,  or  indifferent  matters.  They  re- 
quested a  fuller  explanation  of  what  was  to  be  in- 
cluded under  that  term.  The  Wittenberg  theologians 
replied  that  they  did  not  include  under  it  such  cus- 
toms as  the  consecration  of  oil  and  salt,  and  the  like. 
They  also  stated  in  their  reply  their  reason  for  the 
course  which  they  had  pursued.     It  was  better,  they 


CONTROVERSIES.  215 

said,  "to  endure  a  certain  servitude  in  indifferent 
matters,  than  to  leave  the  Church  on  account  of  them." 

In  April  of  the  same  year  the  pastors  of  Hamburg 
sent  to  Wittenberg  a  long  letter,  in  which  they  con- 
demned the  principle  laid  down  in  the  reply  to  the 
theologians  of  Berlin.  They  complained  that  the 
term  adiaphora  was  made  too  wide,  and  they  asked 
the  Wittenberg  theologians  to  explain,  in  a  public 
work,  just  what  things  were  included  under  the  term. 
To  this  Melanchthon  replied  that  no  fault  was  found 
with  their  frank  letter;  but  he  begged  of  them  not  to 
judge  harshly  those  friends  who  had  for  twenty  years 
fought  and  labored  for  the  Gospel.  He  could  assure 
them,  he  said,  that  the  same  Gospel  was  still  preached 
at  Wittenberg  as  at  Hamburg.  Among  indifferent 
things,  or  adiaphora,  the  Wittenbergers  did  not  in- 
clude "  magical  consecrations,  the  adoration  of  images, 
the  carrying  about  of  consecrated  bread  "  and  similar 
customs.  These  they  had  publicly  condemned  by 
word  and  writing.  As  adiaphora  they  regarded  those 
things  which  the  ancient  Church  possessed,  such  as 
"  festivals,  public  reading,  confession  and  absolution 
before  the  Lord's  Supper,  examination  before  con- 
lirmation,  ordination  to  the  Gospel-ministry,  etc." 

Two  men  deserve  special  mention  for  their  deter- 
mined opposition  to  the  Interim.  These  were  Gabriel 
Zwilling  of  Torgau  and  his  deacon,  Michael  Schultz. 
They  refused  to  wear  the  v\diite  surplice,  called  those 
who  Avore  it  traitors  and  idolators,  and  preferred  to  be 
deposed  from  their  office  rather  than  wear  it. 

The  greatest  opposition,  however,  was  raised  l>y 
Matthias  Flacius  the  Illyrian,  a  young  man  of  the  age 


216  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

of  twenty-nine.  He  wrote  against  the  Interim,  and 
sought  to  prevail  upon  Melanchthon,  Eber,  Major  and 
Bugenhagen  to  reject  it.  When  he  failed  in  his 
efforts,  and  saw  that  the  Interim  was  about  to  be  in- 
troduced in  Wittenberg,  he  left  the  city  and  removed 
to  Magdeburg.  There  he  found  Amsdorf,  who  had 
been  expelled  from  his  bishopric,  and  a  number  of 
others  who  were  bitterly  opposed  to  the  Interim. 
From  this  city,  which  they  called  the  Chancery  of 
God,  they  sent  out,  one  after  another,  violent  pam- 
phlets against  the  Wittenberg  theologians  and  particu- 
larly against  Melanchthon.  It  was  he  whom  they 
chiefly  blamed  for  the  introduction  of  the  obnoxious 
compromise.  They  called  the  Wittenbergers  Baalites, 
rascals.  Epicures,  Samaritans  and  other  equally  oppro- 
brious names.  They  accused  Melanchthon  of  being  a 
traitor  to  the  truth  and  the  Church  because,  they  said, 
it  was  his  fault  that  false  doctrines  and  false  adiaphora 
regained  a  foothold. 

Though  Melanchthon  erred  in  consenting  to  the  In- 
terim, he  had  been  sincere  and  honest  in  his  inten- 
tions, even  though  he  permitted  himself  to  be  led  too 
far.  He  thought  that  what  he  had  consented  to  in  the 
article  on  Justification  did  not  conflict  with  the  truth. 
When  it  was  asserted  that  he  included  under  the 
adiaphora  all  the  customs  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  he  was  manifestly  misrepresented.  A  num- 
ber of  them  he  did  not  by  any  means  accept.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1549,  he  wrote  to  Joachim  Moller:  "I  have 
often  advised  that  no  more  changes  should  be  made 
now,  because  the  people  would  exclaim  that  we  are 
driving  out  the  Gospel.     But  the  court  insists  that  we 


CONTROVERSIES.  217 

must  y'wM  to  the  emperor  in  some  things,  in  order 
that  lie  may  not  send  his  armies  into  our  country  and 
oppress  the  churches,  as  he  has  done  in  Swahia.  I  do 
not  know  whether  tlie  emperor  will  be  satisfied  witli 
the  re-introduction  of  a  few  indifferent  ceremonies  or 
not;  the  courtiers  declare  that  he  will;  and  they  urge 
us  not  to  expose  our  Fatherland  and  the  Church  to 
devastation  on  account  of  non-essential  matters.  We 
are,  therefore,  contending  only  for  essentials  and  are 
seeking  to  preserve  purity  of  doctrine  and  the  form 
of  the  Lord's  Supper,  so  that  the  papal  mass  may  not 
be  re-introduced  here  as  it  has  been  in  Swahia.  I 
have  never  contended  about  holidays,  the  order  of 
hymns,  and  similar  matters.  Such  contention  would 
be  unbecoming  to  a  modest  servant  of  the  Church  in 
these  sorrowful  times.  For  a  number  of  years  I  have 
wished  that  some  of  the  ceremonies  now  proposed 
might  be  introduced,  because  a  similarity  in  such  mat- 
ters would  conduce  to  unity.  Of  course,  moderation 
must  be  used;  and  for  this  reason,  also,  we  have 
changed  nothing  in  doctrines  and  essential  matters. 
The  source  of  all  our  present  troubles  and  of  those 
which  still  threaten  the  Church  is  the  article  of  tran- 
substantiation.  This  has  given  strength  to  the  papal 
mass,  concerning  which  we  shall  doubtless  hear  most 
severe  commands  from  the  emperor  at  tlie  m-xt  <liet. 
All  the  other  questions  in  dispute  have,  as  you  are 
aware,  been  handled  by  me  in  such  a  way,  that  a  pious 
and  sincere  man  will  have  no  further  doubt  upon  them. 
But  on  the  question  of  transubstantiation  I  have  al- 
ways been  very  brief,  on  account  of  the  slanderous 
tongues  of  some  in  our  own  party." 


218  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

To  the  attacks  which  were  made  upon  him  by 
Flacius,  Melanchthoii  did  not  for  a  long  time  reply. 
He  feared  it  would  only  make  matters  worse.  Flacius, 
however,  became  more  and  more  violent.  Finally,  on 
October  1st,  Melanchthon  published  a  defense  of  his 
course.  He  denied  that  he  had  made  any  changes  in 
doctrines,  and  maintained  that  his  theological  views 
still  accorded  with  those  laid  down  in  his  Loci  Com- 
munes and  the  Augsburg  Confession  of  1530.  He 
had,  he  said,  advised  the  pastors  of  Franconia  and 
other  places  not  to  leave  the  Church  on  account  of 
non-essential  matters ;  but  he  branded  as  a  lie  the  as- 
sertion, that  he  had  told  those  people  they  should  not 
leave  the  Church,  even  if  all  the  old  abuses  were  re- 
instated. He  complained  that  Flacius  had  violated 
the  sanctity  of  friendship  by  accusing  him  publicly  of 
confidential  and  ofttimes  jocular  remarks,  which  had 
been  made  in  the  past. 

It  was  now  proposed  by  the  Saxon  court  to  publish 
a  severe  and  comprehensive  refutation  of  the  charges 
made  by  Flacius  and  his  allies.  But,  by  Melanchthon's 
advice,  this  was  not  done.  He  thought  it  would  only 
serve  to  embitter  his  enemies  still  more.  But  it  is 
doubtful  whether  they  would  have  been  incited  to 
more  violent  attacks  than  those  which  they  made  at 
any  rate.  Toward  the  end  of  1540,  Flacius  published 
a  series  of  letters  written  by  Melanchthon  during  the 
Diet  of  Augsburg,  and  accompanied  them  with  notes 
containing  biting,  satirical  remarks.  By  this  publica- 
tion he  hoped  to  show  men  what  a  contemptible  and 
timid  man  Melanchthon  reallv  was,  and  liow  differ- 
ently  Lutlier  would  have  acted,  if  he  had  been  still  alive. 


THE  OSIANDRIAN  AND  MAJORISTIC  CONTROVERSIES.       219 

It  was  evident  that  Flacius  and  lius  friends  could 
not  be  reduced  to  silence.  In  fact,  it  soon  appeared 
that  the  controversy  over  the  adiapliora  was  only  the 
prehide  to  an  attack  upon  all  the  modifications  of  doc- 
trinal statements  made  in  the  Interim.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  1550  Nicholas  Gall  us  attacked  the 
statement,  that  man  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  ])lock 
in  conversion.  Melanchthon  thereupon  sent  to  Dr. 
Pfeffinger  of  Leipzig  a  number  of  theses  for  discussion, 
among  which  Avas  one  in  wdiich  he  defended  the  sen- 
tence assailed  by  G alius.  Hardly  had  these  theses 
become  public,  when  Flacius  attacked  them  in  two 
writings,  and  asserted  that  Melanchthon  had  said,  that 
it  was  not  worth  Avliile  to  dispute  about  the  one  little 
word  "  alone  "  in  the  doctrine  of  Justification  by  faith. 
This  accusation,  however,  w^as  false ;  for  Melanchthon 
expressly  declared  in  a  letter  to  George  von  Anhalt, 
that  he  had  never  spoken  nor  written  nor  even 
thous^ht  of  such  a  thino^.  We  shall  hear  more  of 
Flacius  in  a  succeeding  chapter. 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

THE  OSIANDRIAN  AND  MAJORISTIC  CONTROVERSIES.       THE 
RELIGIOUS  PEACE  OF  AUGSBUKC        1  T)')!)-!  r),")*'). 

IV     BOUT  this  time  there  arose  a  controversy  over 
L\        the    object    of    Christ's    descent    into     hell. 
(f"      ^Epinus,  Superintendent  of  Hamburg,  main- 
tained, in   a  commentary  which  he  published  on   the 


220  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

sixteenth  Psalm,  that  Christ's  descent  into  hell  was  the 
last  stage  of  his  humiliation,  and  endeavored  to  prove 
this  position  from  the  Scriptures  and  the  writings  of  Lu- 
ther. The  Wittenherg  theologians,  however,  gave  it  as 
their  opinion,  that  it  represented  Christ's  victory  over 
hell  and  the  devil,  and  was  one  of  the  stages  of  his 
exaltation.  This  controversy  stirred  up  considerable 
animosity,  but  it  was  soon  overshadowed  by  the  Osian- 
drian  controversy  which  followed. 

Andrew  Osiander,  or  Hosenmann,  or  Hosen-Ender- 
lein,  had  been  pastor  in  E'uremberg.  When  the  In- 
terim was  introduced,  he  resigned  his  position.  He 
was  then,  in  1549,  called  to  a  professorship  at  Koenigs- 
berg.  He  had  scarcely  been  installed  in  his  new  po- 
sition, when  he  raised  a  commotion  by  his  erroneous 
explanation  of  the  doctrine  of  justification.  He  main- 
tained that  we  are  justified  by  a  constant  infusion  of 
Christ's  righteousness  into  the  believer.  He  confused 
justification,  which  is  a  judicial  act  declaring  us  right- 
eous for  Christ's  sake,  with  sanctificatioji,  which  refers 
to  the  believer's  personal  holiness  and  growth  in  grace. 
He  denied  that  Christ's  righteousness  is  imputed  to 
the  believers.  He  at  once  became  the  object  of  fierce 
attacks.  His  opponents  persistently  appealed  to  the 
authority  of  Melanchthon.  This  angered  Osiander, 
and  he  said  that  he  was  tired  of  hearing  the  words, 
"  Our  preceptor  Philip  teaches  differently." 

The  Duke  of  Prussia  concluded  that  the  controversy 
ought  to  be  submitted  to  the  German  churches  for  de- 
cision. Both  parties  therefore  drew  up  a  confession. 
That  of  Osiander  was  i^ublished.  It  was  entitled, 
"  The  Confession  concerning  the  only  Mediator  Jesus 


THE    OSIANDRIAN    CONTROVERSY.  221 

Christ  and  concerning  Justification."  In  this  it  was 
maintained  that  what  was  usually  understood  as  jus- 
tification was  called  hy  the  Scriptures  redemption,  and 
was  the  common  property  of  all;  that  in  justification, 
man  is  not  only  declared  righteous  but  made  righteous, 
renewed  and  sanctified.  Throu2:h  faith  in  Christ  and 
by  virtue  of  the  mystical  union  with  llini,  the  essen- 
tial righteousness  of  God  is  communicated  to  man. 
Therefore,  Christ  is  not  our  righteousness  according 
to  his  human  hut  according  to  his  divine  nature. 

Up  to  this  time,Melanchthon  had  purposely  refrained 
from  taking  any  part  in  the  controversy.  He  had  paid 
no  attention  to  the  attacks  which,  in  the  course  of  the 
dispute,  had  been  made  upon  him.  In  a  friendly  let- 
ter written  as  late  as  May  1,  1551,  he  had  requested 
Osiander  calmly  to  examine  and  answer  certain  theses 
which  he  enclosed.  But  when  he  was  urged  hy  the 
duke  and  the  Koenigsberg  theologians  to  puhlish  an 
opinion  on  the  confession  of  Osiander,  he  came  out 
publicly  in  January,  1552,  with  the  views  which  he  had 
repeatedly  expressed  in  private.  His  publication  was 
entitled,  "  An  Answer  to  Mr.  Andrew  Osiander  con- 
cerning the  Justification  of  Man."  In  this  pamphlet, 
greatly  to  the  duke's  chagrin,  he  refuted  Osiander's 
position  by  many  quotations  from  the  Holy  S('rii)tui"cs. 
He  said  that  God  does  indeed  dwell  in  the  <'<)iivcrtc(l 
man ;  but  that  it  is  equally  true  that  after  conversion 
we  constantly  need  and  receive  the  forgiveness  of  sins 
for  Jesus'  sake.  First,  we  must  be  justified  l)v  faith, 
through  the  merit  of  Jesus  Christ ;  and  only  then  does 
God  truly  dwell  within  us. 

When  Osiander  read  Melanchthon's  reply,  he  is  said 


222  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

to  have  threatened  to  "  bleed  Melanchthon  in  such 
a  way,  that  his  blood  would  flow  throughout  all  Ger- 
many." He  actually  did  publish  a  work  which  he  en- 
titled, "  A  Bleeding  of  Mr.  Philip."  He  issued  another 
also,  entitled,  "  A  Kefutation  of  the  Unfounded  and 
Worthless  Answer  of  Philip  Melanchthon."  These 
works  exceeded  even  those  of  Flacius  in  vituperation 
and  slander.  The  second  was  aimed  not  only  at  Me- 
lanchthon, but  at  all  the  professors  at  Wittenberg. 
Instigated  by  Melanchthon,  they  refused,  he  said,  to 
ordain  any  one  or  to  confer  the  degree  of  Master  or 
Doctor  upon  any  one  who  did  not  first  solemnly  prom- 
ise to  teach  in  accordance  with  the  three  creeds  of  the 
early  Church  and  the  Augsburg  Confession.  To  this 
Melanchthon  replied  that  the  promise  referred  to  was, 
indeed,  required,  and  had  been  required  for  the  past 
twenty  years.  But  it  had  been  introduced  by  Luther, 
Bugenhagen  and  Jonas,  on  account  of  the  Anabaptists 
and  other  fanatics,  and  because  it  took  the  place  of  a 
lengthy  recital  of  the  candidate's  faith. 

In  October,  1552,  Osiander  died.  But  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  his  doctrine  was  condemned  by  nearly  all 
the  churches,  the  controversy  continued  to  rage  for 
many  years.  In  Stettin  his  views  were  defended  by 
Peter  Artopaus.  In  the  year  1555,  Dr.  Jacob  Kungius 
was  dispatched  from  that  place  to  Wittenberg  in  or- 
der to  obtain  Melanchthon's  opinion.  When  he  arrived, 
he  found  Melanchthon  on  the  point  of  going  to  ISTu- 
remberg  to  allay  the  dissensions  which  some  Osian- 
drists  there  created.  They  journeyed  together.  On 
September  29th  and  30th  a  disputation  was  held  in 
Nuremberg.     At  its  conclusion,  a  paper  prepared  by 


THE    OSIANDRIAN    CONTROVERSY. 


223 


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224  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

Melanchthon  was  read  and  approved.  The  title  of  it 
was,  "  That  in  Conversion  Man  is  Justified  before 
God  by  Faith,  on  account  of  the  Obedience  of  the  Me- 
diator, and  not  on  account  of  any  Essential  [infused] 
Righteousness."  Two  of  the  disputants  refused  to  sign 
the  paper,  and  resigned  their  offices. 

Melanchthon  had  desired  that  Brenz  should  take 
part  in  the  discussion.  But  Brenz  replied  that  he 
could  not  come,  and  moreover  would  frankly  state 
that  he  regarded  Osiander's  theses  as  simply  "  para- 
doxes, which  might  be  interpreted  for  good  or  evil, 
just  as  men  felt  disposed  toward  the  author."  Me- 
lanchthon did  not  wish  to  enter  upon  a  controversy 
with  Brenz.  Therefore,  in  the  opinion  which  he  sent 
to  Koenigsberg,  he  did  not  mention  Osiander's  name, 
though  he  condemned  his  theses.  When  Eungius  re- 
turned w^ith  this  opinion,  Artopaus  recanted,  but  after- 
ward he  fell  mto  his  former  errors.  He  was  then  de- 
posed from  his  office.  In  March,  1556,  he  came  to 
Wittenbero;  and  laid  his  confession  of  faith  before 
Melanchthon.  In  reading  it  through,  the  latter  found 
much  which  he  could  not  approve.  But  out  of  pity 
for  the  man's  age,  and  sympathy  for  his  large  family 
which  was  hi  need  of  support,  Melanchthon  wrote  to 
Stettin,  asking  the  authorities  there  to  temper  justice 
with  mercy  and  to  provide  Artopaus  with  some  posi- 
tion elsewhere. 

In  February  of  the  year  1550  a  new  pope,  Julius 
III.,  assumed  the  triple  crown.  He  owed  his  eleva- 
tion to  the  emperor,  and  was  consequently  more  in- 
clined to  be  accommodating  to  that  ruler  than  his  pre- 
decessor had  been.     He  transferred  the  council  from 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT.    225 

Bologna  to  Trent.  It  was  to  be  opened  May  1,  1;)51. 
When  the  imperial  diet  met  at  Augslmrg  on  July  26, 
1550,  the  emperor  commanded  the  States  to  send 
delegates  to  Trent.  But  the  elector,  through  his  rep- 
resentatives at  Augsburg,  replied,  in  accordance  with 
an  opinion  furnished  by  Melanchthon,  that  unless  the 
council  began  its  deliberations  with  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  present  disputes,  allowed  the  evangelical 
theologians  a  voice  in  its  proceedings,  and  refrained 
from  proposing  the  pope  as  its  president  or  judge,  he 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  it. 

Upon  receiving  a  favorable  answer  from  the  em- 
peror, the  elector,  in  1551,  summoned  Melanchthon, 
Bugenhagen  and  Camerarius  to  Dresden  to  consult 
with  him  about  sending  some  one  to  Trent.  It  was 
decided  that  Greorge  von  Anlialt,  v>dth  several  other 
theologians,  should  go.  Melanchthon  drew  up  a  paper 
in  which  he  laid  down  the  course  of  action  which  he 
thought  these  delegates  ought  to  pursue.  lie  said 
that  they  ought  iirst  of  all  to  insist  upon  taking  n\> 
the  religious  disputes  from  the  time  of  their  first  ap- 
pearance, and  then  maintain  the  doctrines  laid  down 
in  the  Catechism,  the  Augsburg  Confession,  or  the 
first  Agenda  of  Electoral  Brandenburg.  Some,  how- 
ever, thought  it  better  not  to  send  any  confession  at 
all  to  the  council,  but  jturposely  to  delay  its  proceed- 
ings until  the  emperor  should  die. 

Shortly  after  this,  it  was  decided  that  Melanchthon 
should  draw  up  a  new  confession  of  faith  for  the 
council.  lie  retired  to  Dessau,  on  Nfay  5th,  in  order  to 
carry  on  his  work  without  interruption,  and  there 
wrote  the  Saxon  Confession.     Melanchthon  called  it 

15 


226  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

a  repetition  of  the  Augsburg  Confession.  It  was  firm 
in  tone,  and  defended  the  Lutheran  doctrines  as  the 
only  true  and  scriptural  ones.  It  gave  the  undisputed 
articles  in  very  brief  form,  but  treated  the  disputed 
ones  at  greater  length,  and  subjected  to  a  sharp  criti- 
cism the  arguments  which  the  papists  had  advanced 
against  them.  It  was  signed  by  the  ambassador  of 
the  Margrave  John,  by  a  great  number  of  Saxon  pas- 
tors, and  later  by  the  deputies  of  Mansfeldt,  Strasburg, 
Pomerania  and  Anspach. 

The  council  was  re-opened  at  Trent  on  May  1st,  but 
was  immediately  postponed  till  the  following  Septem- 
ber. For  a  long  time  nothing  was  said  in  Wittenberg 
about  sending  delegates.     Suddenly,  on  December  13, 

1551,  Melanchthon  and  Major  received  a  command 
from  the  elector  to  start  for  Trent  and  to  be  in  ISTurem- 
berg  by  January  11.  Melanchthon  was  much  puzzled 
to  know  the  meaning  of  this  command,  ^o  instruc- 
tions of  any  kind  were  sent  him  for  his  guidance,  no 
provision  was  made  for  an  escort  or  for  traveling  ex- 
penses. He  therefore  directed  his  steps  toward  Dres- 
den to  seek  some  enlightenment  on  the  subject.  But 
he  could  learn  nothing  there.  He  began  to  notice, 
however,  that  the  elector  was  preparing  for  war.  This 
troubled  him.  He  feared  Maurice  was  about  to  con- 
tract an  alliance  with  the  French.  He  then  penned 
a  letter  to  the  elector,  and  expressed  his  scruples 
about  the  propriety  of  such  a  step.     On  January  6, 

1552,  he  returned  as  far  as  Leipzig.  Eight  days  later, 
in  company  with  Sarcerius,  Pacaus,  and  his  son-in- 
law,  Peucer,  he  journeyed  as  far  as  Nuremberg.  He 
arrived  on  January  22d.     He  now  received  a  passport 


THE  elector's  ruse.  227 

from  the  Saxon  commissioner  at  Trent,  but  still  no 
instructions.  Two  letters  of  inquiry  which  he  wrote 
to  the  court  remained  unanswered.  He  began  to  sus- 
pect that  there  was  something  behind  all  this,  and  his 
suspicions  were  confirmed  when  he  heard  a  rumor 
that  Maurice  was  preparing  to  make  war  upon  the 
emperor.  Indeed,  it  soon  became  evident  that  the 
journey  which  Melanchthon  had  been  commanded  to 
make  was  not  seriously  meant  to  end  in  Trent  at  all. 
The  elector  was  well  satisfied  to  have  Melanchthon 
remain  at  Nuremberg.  The  whole  journey  was  sim- 
ply a  ruse  by  which  Maurice  hoped  to  keep  the  em- 
peror in  ignorance  of  his  real  intentions. 

Melanchthon  was  fond  of  IN'uremberg  and  had  many 
warm  friends  there.  He  was  not  at  all  displeased 
vnih.  the  prospect  of  tarrying  in  that  city,  instead  of 
proceeding  to  Trent  and  engaging  in  fruitless  disputa- 
tions. He  concluded  to  wait  for  instructions.  He 
passed  his  time  very  pleasantly,  and  delivered  about 
thirty  lectures  in  the  gymnasium  which  he  had  helped 
to  establish.  Finally,  on  March  9,  no  instructions  hav- 
ing yet  arrived,  he  returned  to  Wittenberg. 

In  the  meantime,  important  political  events  were 
taking  place.  The  elector  Maurice  had  been  com- 
manded by  the  emperor  to  subdue  the  city  of  Magde- 
burg, which  stubbornly  resisted  the  introduction  of 
the  Interim.  Much  anxiety  Avas  felt  for  its  fate.  The 
feeling  against  Maurice,  who  was  already  an  object  of 
aversion  to  the  Protestants,  became  very  bitter  when 
he  undertook  the  siege  of  this  ])ul\vark  of  sound 
Lutheranism.  But  now  Maurice,  wlio  liad  i)rcviously 
betrayed  the  Protestant  cause  by  going  over  to  the 


228 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


emperor,  concluded  to  mend  matters  by  betraying  the 
emperor.     His  relations  with  Charles  Y.  were  every 


Elector  Maurice  of  Saxony. 


day  becoming  mor(^  galling.  He  continued,  indeed, 
the  siege  of  Magdeburg,  but  made  a  secret  treaty  with 
a  number  of  Protestant  princes,  and  promised  to  abide 


THE    PROTESTANTS    VICTORIOUS.  229 

by  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  to  risk  bis  land  and 
people  for  tbe  sake  of  tbe  Gospel  and  German  liberty. 
When  Magdeburg  capitulated,  Maurice  suddenly 
turned  his  arms  and  those  of  his  allies,  AVilliam  of 
Hesse  and  the  Margrave  John,  against  the  emperor. 
Charles  was  then  at  Innsbruck,  and  barely  had  time  to 
escape  before  Maurice  entered  the  city.  The  (hay  be- 
fore his  flight  the  emperor  liberated  John  Frederick 
from  his  captivity.  On  August  2,  1552,  the  treaty  of 
Passau  was  concluded.  By  its  terms,  religious  liberty 
and  equal  civil  rights  at  the  next  diet  were  guaranteed 
to  the  Protestants ;  those  who  had  been  banished  were 
pardoned ;  and  the  landgrave  Philip  was  released  from 
captivity. 

The  latter  half  of  the  year  1552  was  spent  by  Me- 
lanchthon  chiefly  in  Torgau,  whither  the  university 
had  been  transferred  because  of  the  prevalence  of  the 
plague  at  Wittenberg.  On  account  of  the  Osiandrian 
controversy,  which  had  broken  out  in  a  new  f(n'in 
through  Francis  Stancarus,  he  delivered  lectures  upon 
the  three  persons  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  Stancarus  had 
been  called  to  Koenigsberg  with  the  hope  that  he 
would  be  able  to  put  an  end  to  the  dissensions  created 
bv  Osiander.  But  he  made  matters  worse  l)v  icoiiiij: 
to  the  opposite  extreme  and  maintaining  that  Christ  is 
our  righteousness,  not  according  to  his  divine,  but  ac- 
cording to  his  human  nature  only.  Accused  of 
heresy,  he  resigned  his  position.  Early  in  1")')2  he 
came  to  Wittenberg  with  a  paper  which  he  had  pre- 
pared against  Osiander.  Receiving  no  encouragement 
here,  he  went  to  Frankfort-on-the-Oder,  and  from  that 
city  made  attacks  upon  Melanchthon   as  well   as  upon 


230  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTIION. 

his  Koenigsberg  opponents.  He  was  soon  involved  in 
a  violent  controversy  with  Musculus. 

In  order  to  restore  peace,  the  elector  of  Branden- 
burg proposed  the  holding  of  a  disputation  in  Berlin, 
and  invited  Bugenhagen  and  Melanchthon  to  attend 
it.  Melanchthon  replied  that  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  come,  because  he  was  then  engaged  in  consult- 
ing with  Sarcerius  as  to  the  pastors  who  should  be  ap- 
pointed for  Augsburg,  now  that  the  Interim  was  abol- 
ished. He  said,  also,  that  he  did  not  approve  of  the 
elector's  project.  It  would  be  better  to  send  some 
sensible  man  to  Wittenberg,  and  have  a  reply  to  Stan- 
carus  prepared.  He  added  that  he  did  not  know  ex- 
actly what  the  latter's  position  was ;  but  if  Stancarus 
maintained  that  Christ  is  the  Mediator  only  according 
to  his  human  nature,  he  was  certainly  in  error.  Christ 
is  and  remains  the  Mediator  according  to  both  natures. 
Mediation  implies  not  only  suffering  in  our  stead,  but 
also  victory  and  intercession.  The  elector  took  Me- 
lanchthon's  advice.  l!To  disputation  was  held.  But 
Melanchthon  prepared  a  full  and  thorough  discussion 
of  the  subject,  and  published  it  in  1553  under  the 
title,  "  An  Answer  to  the  Controversies  of  Stancarus." 

Another  departure  from  the  true  doctrine  of  justifi- 
cation was  made  by  Matthias  Lauterwald  of  Hungary. 
He  denied  that  man  is  justified  by  faith  alone,  and 
maintained  that  grace  is  obtained  by  repentance  and 
new  obedience.  Melanchthon  was  asked  to  prepare 
an  opinion.  He  did  so,  and  defended  the  formula, 
"  We  are  justified  by  faith  alone.'' 

Toward  the  end  of  the  year  1551,  Mcholas  von 
Amsdorf  published  a  work  in  Avhich  he  accused  George 


THE    MAJORISTIC    CONTROVERSY.  231 

Major  of  having  caused  much  division  and  contention 
through  the  Leipzig  Interim,  and  of  liaving  contrib- 
uted much  to  the  subversion  of  the  true  doctrine  of 
justification  by  his  use  of  the  sentence,  "good  works 
are  necessary  to  salvation."  Major  replied  that  he 
would  not  quarrel  over  the  word  "  alone,"  because  he 
had  always  taught  that  man  is  justified  by  faith  alone  ; 
hut  that  nevertheless  he  would  continue  to  maintain, 
as  he  had  in  the  past,  the  formula  to  which  objection 
was  made,  because  no  one  could  be  saved  by  evil 
works  nor  without  good  works.  He  defended  his  view 
from  the  pulpit.  Violent  attacks  were  made  upon  him 
from  all  sides,  and  he  was  compelled  to  resign  his  po- 
sition as  general  superintendent  at  Mansfeldt.  His 
opponents  accused  him  of  being  a  Pelagian  and  a 
papist. 

Melanchthon  took  no  active  part  in  this  contro- 
versy. He  advised  Major  to  drop  the  formula  which 
gave  such  offense.  Melanchthon  had  indeed  used  it 
himself,  and  had  been  attacked  for  so  doing.  But  he 
had  discontinued  its  use  because  it  was  liable  to  mis- 
construction, and  because  Luther  disapproved  of  it. 
In  the  articles  of  Pegau  he  had  again  employed  the 
expression  for  the  sake  of  effecting  a  compromise. 
He  had  not  meant,  however,  to  conflict  with  the  true 
Lutheran  doctrine,  nor  to  represent  good  works  as  the 
cause  of  justification,  but  to  refer  to  the  connection 
which  exists  between  a  justifying  faith  and  a  new  life 
of  obedience  to  God.  It  would  have  been  well  if 
Major  had  taken  Melanchthon's  advice.  But  instead 
of  dropping  the  objectionable  formula  at  once,  he  de- 
fended it  until  the   vear  1562,  when,  for  the  sake  of 


232  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

peace,  he  recalled  it,  after  much  mischief  had  been 
done.  Amsdorf,  in  his  violent  opposition  to  Major, 
went  so  far  as  to  advance  the  proposition,  that  good 
works  are  injurious  to  salvation,  and  published  a  pam- 
phlet intended  to  prove  that  this  was  taught  by  St. 
Paul  and  Luther. 

When  Melanchthon's  opinion  was  asked  by  the  elec- 
tor, whether  a  synod  might  not  be  able  to  settle  the 
difficulties,  he  replied  that  he  feared  that  it  would  do 
no  good,  and  that  he  was  inclined  to  agree  with  !N^azi- 
anzen,  who  declared  that  he  had  never  yet  seen  a 
synod  which  did  not  raise  greater  dissensions  than  ex- 
isted before.  The  elector,  however,  made  some  prepa- 
rations for  a  conference  of  the  theologians.  But  shortly 
after  this  he  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  battle  of 
Sievershausen. 

Augustus,  the  new  elector,  who  succeeded  his  brother 
Maurice,  was  a  friend  of  the  Gospel.  He  thought  highly 
of  Melanchthon,  and  frequently  sought  his  advice  with 
reference  to  the  universities,  schools  and  churches.  He 
willingly  agreed  to  the  suggestion  of  Duke  Christopher 
of  Wiirtemberg  to  call  a  convention  of  theologians 
for  the  purpose  of  quieting  these  controversies  and  de- 
cidijig  upon  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  the  approach- 
ing diet  at  Augsburg.  This  convention  was  held  at 
l^aumburs:.  Melanchthon  arrived  there  Mav  20th, 
1554,  with  Forster  and  Camerarius.  On  the  following 
day  the  Hessian  delegates  arrived,  and  on  May  23d, 
still  others.  It  was  a2:reed  that  at  the  diet  thev  would 
abide  by  the  Augsburg  Confession,  or  the  similar  con- 
fession of  Brenz,  or  the  Saxon  Confession.  They  also 
condemned  the  errors  of  Schwenkfeldt  and  Osiander, 


THE    RELIGIOUS    PEACE    OF    AUGSBURG.  233 

and  the  re-introductioii  of  Koiuisli  customs  wliicli  liad 
been  abolished.  Contrary  to  Melanchthon's  expecta- 
tions, great  harmony  prevailed  iu  the  meetinij:.  Its 
resolutions  were  signed  by  all  the  theologians  present, 
and  afterwards  accepted  by  Duke  Christopher,  whose 
theologians  had  failed  to  be  present  at  the  meeting. 

The  diet  was  opened  at  Augsburg  on  February  5th, 
1555.  It  had  been  appointed  to  l)e  held  lialf  a  year 
after  the  treaty  of  Passau.  But  it  was  delayed  for  more 
than  two  years.  It  was  fortunate  for  the  Protestants 
that  this  delay  occurred.  In  the  interval  ('harles  the 
Fifth  was  so  much  harassed  by  political  troubles,  that 
he  was  ready  now  to  consent  to  concessions  to  which 
he  would  not  have  listened,  if  the  diet  had  been  held 
at  an  earlier  date.  After  lengthy  negotiations,  the 
Religious  Peace  of  Augsburg  was  concluded.  It  guar- 
anteed to  the  adherents  of  the  Augsburg  Confession 
equal  rights  with  the  Roman  Catholics  and  the  per- 
fect enjoyment  of  religious  liberty.  But  it  stipulated 
that  if  any  Roman  Catholic  prelate  turned  Protestant, 
he  should  not  only  lose  his  ecclesiastical  position,  but 
his  temporal  power  and  dominion  as  well.  This 
reservation  interfered  in  a  large  measure  with  the  fur- 
ther spread  of  the  Reformation. 


234  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

THE  CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC  CONTROVERSY.       NEGOTIATIONS 
WITH  FLACIUS.       1556-1557. 

7f~  T  last  religious  liberty  had  been  secured.  The 
A^\  Council  of  Trent  might  now  resolve  what  it 
(^""^  pleased,  its  decrees  would  not  trouble  the 
Protestants.  Yet  Melanchthon  was  far  from  giving 
way  to  rapture.  He  feared  that  the  conflict  with  the 
Roman  Catholics  was  not  over ;  and  he  was  filled  with 
anxiety  by  the  dissensions  which  existed  among  the 
Protestants.  To  his  great  distress  the  doctrine  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  was  made  the  subject  of  a  new  con- 
troversy. 

By  the  Wittenberg  Concord  of  1536,  an  agreement 
had  been  reached  between  the  Lutherans  and  the  cities 
of  upper,  or  southern,  Germany.  But  this  agreement 
was  more  than  once  disturbed.  Li  1544  Luther  had 
felt  compelled  to  publish  his  final  Confession  of  the 
Holy  Sacrament  against  the  Fanatics.  This  showed 
conclusively  that  a  union  with  the  Zwinglians  Avas  im- 
possible. But  many  still  hoped  that  a  union  might  be 
effected  with  the  Calvinists.  Since  the  adoption  of 
the  Wittenberg  Concord,  it  had  been  regarded  as  the 
true  Protestant  doctrine,  that  Christ  is  really  present 
in  the  Lord's  Supper.  The  manner  of  that  presence 
was  to  be  left  an  open  question.  But  when  John  Cal- 
vin of  Geneva  openly  maintained  that  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ  are  not  physically  present  at  all  under 


THE    CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC    CONTROVERSY.  235 

the  bread  and  wine,  and  that  Clirist  is  received  only 
spiritually  l)y  the  believing  communicant,  a  violent 
controversy  followed. 

While  it  cannot  be  said  that  Melanchthon  regarded 
the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  real  presence  as  errone- 
ous, he  believed  that  Calvin's  doctrine  did  no  real  vio- 
lence to  the  Scriptures  and  might  be  tolerated.  But 
the  Lutherans  did  not  all  agree  with  Melanchthon. 
In  1552  Joachim  Westphal  of  Hamburg  published  a 
pamphlet  in  which  he  openly  assailed  Calvin's  doc- 
trine, and  asserted  that  it  was  secretly  accepted  by 
many  Lutheran  theologians.  He  showed  that  the  Re- 
formed party  from  Zwingli  to  Calvin  had  given  no 
less  than  twenty-eight  different  interpretations  of  the 
words  of  institution.  In  1553  he  issued  a  second 
publication  entitled,  "  The  True  Faith  concerning  the 
Lord's  Supper,  proved  from  the  Words  of  the  Apos- 
tle Paul  and  the  Evansrelists."  The  zeal  of  the  Luth- 
erans  a2:ainst  the  Calvinists  became  thorous-hlv  aroused. 
John  von  Lasco,  who,  with  a  band  of  French  and  Dutch 
Protestants,  had  been  banished  from  England  b}'  Queen 
Mary,  found  it  impossible  to  discover  a  place  in  Ger- 
many where  his  party  might  settle,  because  he  had  de- 
clared himself  a  Calvinist.  In  1554  Calvin  i)uV)lished 
a  work  in  which  he  took  the  part  of  these  exiles,  and 
defended  his  doctrine.  A  violent  controversy  soon 
rao^ed  throusrhout  Germanv. 

Melanchthon  was  accused  by  some  of  holding  Cal- 
vin's doctrine.  But  this  charge  cannot  be  substanti- 
ated. That  he  did  not  completely  agree  with  Luther 
is  equally  certain.  Out  of  regard  for  Melanchthon's 
services,  Luther  had  borne  his  change  of  views  with  a 


236  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

toleration,  which,  in  a  man  of  his  character,  was  noth- 
ing short  of  remarkahle.  But  Luther's  adherents 
were  not  inclined  to  be  so  tolerant.  Exactly  w^hat 
Melanchthon  believed,  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  The 
formulas  which  he  drew  up  were  meant  to  be  such  as 
all  who  acknowledged  the  real  presence  might  be  able 
to  subscribe.  He  took  no  part  in  the  controversy  be- 
tween the  Lutherans  and  the  Calvinists,  though  both 
parties  endeavored  to  force  him  to  express  himself 
upon  the  subject.  Gallus  and  Westphal  published 
selections  from  his  former  works,  by  which  they  sought 
to  prove  that,  at  least  during  Luther's  life-time,  Me- 
lanchthon was  on  their  side.  Calvin  endeavored  to 
wring  a  statement  from  him  by  asserting,  that  he  un- 
derstood the  Augsburg  Confession  in  the  same  sense 
as  its  author,  and  could  therefore  readily  subscribe  to 
it.  But  Melanchthon  could  not  be  brouscht  to  make  a 
public  statement.  In  1556  he  wrote  to  the  electoral 
counselor  Mordeisen,  who  had  urged  him  to  express 
his  view^s  :  ''  I  know  certainly  that  your  court  will  not 
tolerate  a  defense  of  the  truth  in  this  article.  I  would 
prefer  not  to  begin  at  all,  rather  than,  having  begun, 
to  drop  the  matter  again  at  your  command,  and  thus 
do  injury  to  the  truth."  From  this  it  would  appear, 
that  his  views  were,  to  some  extent  at  least,  at  vari- 
ance with  those  of  the  strict  Lutherans,  and  that  he 
thought  he  would  not  be  permitted  by  the  elector  to 
defend  his  position,  if  he  advanced  it  openly.  Per- 
haps it  was  not,  however,  the  personal  loss  which  he 
might  suffer,  if  banished  from  Wittenberg,  but  rather 
the  dread  of  controversy  and  the  fear  of  adding  to  the 
existing  distress  of  the   Church,  which  deterred  him 


THE    CRYPTO-CALVINISTIC    CONTROVERSY.  237 

from  an  open  avowal  of  his  convictions.  lie  was  by 
nature  averse  to  strife  and  contention ;  he  saw  its  dis- 
tracting  effect  upon  the  Church ;  he  was  getting  old 
and  was  weary  of  the  constant  turmoil,  and  longed  to 
die,  so  that  he  might  escape  "  from  the  fury  of  the 
theolo2:ians." 

The  dissensions  among  the  Protestants  were  all  the 
more  to  be  regretted,  because  another  diet  was  to  l)e 
held  at  Ratisbon  in  1556,  and  another  efibrt  was  to  be 
made  to  bring  about  unity  in  religion.  How  could 
the  Protestants,  divided  as  they  were,  maintain  their 
cause  against  the  Roman  Catholics  ?  The  holding  of 
a  convention  to  restore  harmony  was  suggested  by 
some  of  the  princes ;  but  they  received  little  encour- 
agement. Amsdorf,  Aurifaber,  Stoltz,  and  the  otlier 
Lutheran  theologians  most  actively  engagcfl  in  the 
controversy,  held  a  special  convention  at  AVcniiar  in 
January,  1556.  They  decided  not  to  agree  to  a  recon- 
ciliation, until  the  Wittenbergers  unequivocally  pledged 
themselves  to  maintain  the  Augsburg  Confession  and 
to  repudiate  Zwinglianism  and  synergism.  Fortu- 
nately for  the  Protestant  cause,  the  proposed  diet  was 
postponed  till  the  following  year.  I>y  tliat  time  the 
relations  between  the  theologians  of  AVeimar  and  Wit- 
tenberg had  become  somewhat  easier. 

To  Melanchthon's  surprise,  his  old  antagonist  Flacius 
made  overtures  of  peace  in  tlie  summer  of  155(),  and 
proposed  a  personal  conference.  Flacius  prei)ared  a 
few  "  mild  propositions,"  as  a  basis  of  peace.  He  sent 
these  propositions  to  El)er;  but  tliey  were  so  liarsh, 
particularly  in  tlie  eleventh  article,  tliat  FJkt  did  not 
give   them    to    Melanchthon.     On   July  13th,  Flacius 


238  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

wrote  to  Hubert  Languetiis,  who  had  long  been  an  in- 
timate friend  of  Melanchthon,  requesting  him  to  ar- 
range a  conference  at  Coswig,  promising  to  be  mild 
and  peaceful  in  his  behavior. 

Melanchthon  had  at  first  been  inclined  to  accept  the 
advances  of  his  antagonist,  but  he  changed  his  mind 
and  wrote  to  Languetus,  that  he  had  long  desired  a 
conference  to  consider  the  articles  in  dipute,  but  that 
it  would  be  useless  to  hold  a  meeting  with  such  un- 
learned, raging  ranters  as  Stoltz,  Gallus  and  Aurifaber. 
He  would  like  to  confer  with  Flacius,  because  they 
had  been  on  terms  of  intimate  friendship  so  long ;  but 
when  he  thought  of  the  things  which  Flacius  had  ac- 
cused him  of  saying,  but  which  had  never  entered  his 
mind,  much  less  been  spoken  by  him,  he  Avas  com- 
pelled to  fear  the  same  insincerity  on  the  part  of 
Flacius  now,  and  must  therefore  decline  to  meet  him. 
IN^one  of  his  friends  were  willing  to  be  present  at  such 
an  interview,  and  he  would  not,  after  what  had  hap- 
pened, care  to  meet  him  alone. 

On  receiving  this  reply  Flacius  politely  expressed 
his  regrets  in  a  letter  to  Languetus.  He  also  wrote  to 
Melanchthon,  and  called  his  attention  to  the  "  leniency 
and  consideration  "  which  he  had  shown  to  Melanch- 
thon hitherto.  He  asked  Melanchthon  to  think  of  the 
letter  which  the  latter  had  written  to  the  Venetian 
ambassador  Teupolus  in  1530,  and  which  Flacius  had 
kindly  refrained  from  publishing;  of  his  relations  to 
the  adiaphora  and  the  Leipzig  Interim  ;  of  his  indif- 
ference to  the  controversy  with  Major,  and  then  to 
judge  whether  he  had  reason  to  complain  of  Flacius' 
treatment.     To  this  Melanchthon  replied  on  Septem- 


NEGOTIATIONS    WITH    FLACIUS.  239 

ber  -l:th :  '^  You  direct  attention  to  the  consideration 
which  you  have  shown  me,  because  you  did  not  })ul>- 
lish  tlie  letter  which  I  wrote  to  Teupohis.  I  never 
wrote  a  syllable  to  him.  I  simply  paid  him  a  visit  by 
command  of  the  elector,  and  spoke  a  nuniber  of  tilings 
in  defense  of  the  Reformation.  I  cannot  recall  the 
words  which  I  used.  Others,  who  seem  to  have  a  bet- 
ter memory,  have  remembered  some  of  them,  added 
other  things  to  them,  and  manufactured  a  letter  with 
which  Rorarius  already  reproached  me,  and  of  which 
I  received  a  copy  from  the  margrave.  You  may 
judge  for  yourself  what  merit  is  attached  to  your 
action,  in  not  assailing  me  with  such  a  piece  of  l)un- 
gling.  You  have  also  published  the  Leipzig  Interim 
with  all  manner  of  mutilations  and  additions.  As  re- 
gards the  negotiations  about  that  Interim,  I  strove 
vehemently,  as  everybody  knows,  against  every  change 
which  was  to  be  introduced  through  that  Augsburg 
Sphinx,  and  I  engaged  in  many  a  conflict  with  the 
courtiers,  until  finally  the  elector  declared,  that  he  did 
not  ask  for  any  change  in  doctrine  or  essential  matters, 
but  only  the  retention  of  a  few  inditferent  customs, 
which  the  counselors  called  adiaphora.  I  knew  very 
well  that  even  unimportant  changes  would  be  dis- 
tasteful to  the  people.  But  as  the  doctrines  were 
jDreserved  intact,  I  preferred  that  our  people  should 
endure  this  minor  servitude,  ratlier  than  leave  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Church  on  account  of  tliese  things.  This 
is  what  I  did.  Then  voubeiJ:an  to  contend.  I  yielded 
and  endeavored  to  avoid  controversy.  1  acknowledge 
that  I  erred  in  this  matter,  and  ]»ray  (iod  lo  for- 
give me  for  not  fleeing  far  from  sueli  treacherous  de- 


240  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

liberations.  But  those  things  of  which  you  and  Gal- 
lus  falsely  accuse  me,  I  shall  refute.  As  respects 
Major,  I  have  always  exhorted  him  to  give  up  his 
offensive  formula,  and  he  promised  me  to  do  so.  I 
myself  do  not  use  it,  but  teach,  '  the  new  obedience  is 
necessary  because  it  is  an  inevitable  law,  that  the  crea- 
ture should  obey  the  Creator.'  "  In  conclusion  he  said 
that,  if  a  reconciliation  was  to  be  effected,  it  would  be 
best  to  have  the  propositions  prepared  by  impartial 
judges.  There  must,  he  declared,  be  one  confession 
in  doctrine.  And  as  he  acknowledged  that  he  erred 
with  respect  to  the  ceremonies,  Flacius  should  not 
continue  to  bring  false  accusations  against  him. 

Flacius  was  not  satisfied  with  this  declaration.  He 
was  evidently  determined,  either  to  humble  Melanch- 
thon  by  compelling  him  to  make  a  public  recantation, 
or  to  hold  him  up  before  all  the  world  as  a  teacher  of 
heresy.  To  accomplish  his  purpose,  he  relied  upon 
the  Superintendents  Valentine  Curtius  of  Liibeck, 
Paul  von  Eitzen  of  Hamburg,  Joachim  Morlin  of 
Brunswick,  and  Frederick  Henning  of  Liineburg,  who 
offered  to  act  as  umpires.  These  met  in  Magdeburg 
January  17,  1557,  and  pledged  themselves  to  adhere 
to  the  confession  which  had  been  published  against 
the  Interim,  in  1550,  under  the  title,  "  Confession,  In- 
struction and  Admonition  of  the  Pastors  and  Preachers 
of  the  Christian  Congregations  of  Magdeburg."  While 
these  men  proceeded  to  Wittenberg  with  eight  articles 
of  agreement,  Flacius  with  his  friends  Wigand,  Judex, 
and  Baumgiirtner,  remained  in  the  neighboring  town 
of  Coswig,  and  exhorted  the  others  not  to  spare  the 
Wittenbergers  nor  to  be  daunted  by  the  fact  that  Me- 


NEGOTIATIONS    WITH    FLACIUS. 


241 


Dr.  Joachim  Murlin. 


16 


242  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

lanchthon  had  formerlv  been  their   teacher,   but   to 
probe  to  the  bottom  of  the  matter. 

On  January  21st,  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
Melanchthon  opened  the  proceedings  in  his  own  house 
with  an  address,  which,  for  the  sake  of  caution,  he  had 
prepared  in  manuscript  form.  He  accepted  the  super- 
intendents as  mediators,  but  told  them  that,  in  order 
to  effect  peace,  it  would  be  necessary  to  take  up  the 
whole  body  of  Protestant  doctrine;  for  otherwise 
Flacius  would  soon  find  a  new  excuse  for  starting  a 
controversy.  Thereupon  Morlin  presented  the  eight 
articles  which  had  been  prepared.  They  contained 
the  following  conditions  of  agreement :  1.  Unity  of 
doctrine  shall  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  Augs- 
burg Confession  and  the  Schmalcald  Articles.  2.  All 
conflicting  errors  of  the  papists,  Interimists,  Anabap- 
tists and  sacramentarians  shall  be  rejected.  3.  All 
corruptions  shall  be  eradicated  from  the  doctrine  of 
ustification,  particularly  that  of  the  necessity  of  good 
works  for  salvation.  4.  The  Saxon  churches  shall 
not  depart  from  the  confession  which  they  published 
at  the  time  of  the  last  persecution.  5.  No  agreement 
shall  be  made  with  the  papists  concerning  ceremonies, 
unless  first  an  agreement  in  doctrine  be  reached.  6. 
In  times  of  persecution  a  sincere  confession  shall  be 
made,  and  no  servitude  in  conflict  with  Christian 
liberty  shall  be  admitted.  7.  "  We  also  kindly  entreat 
our  teacher  to  testify  in  some  public  writing,  that  his  views 
concerning  indifferent  matters  and  the  necessity  of  good 
ivorks  for  salvation  harmonize  with  the  confessions  of  our 
churches.''  8.  If  one  of  the  parties  be  suspected  of 
heresy,  a  declaration  shall  be  required. 


NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  FLACIUS.  243 

When  Melanchthoii  had  read  these  articles,  he  be- 
came very  indignant,  and  broke  off  the  negotiations. 
On  the  next  day,  however,  lie  had  become  somewhat 
calmer.  He  then  gave  the  following  reply:  "  When, 
in  the  year  1541,  I  bade  farewell  at  Katisbon  to  my 
friend  Jacob  Sturm,  and  said  that  I  did  not  belieye  I 
would  ever  see  him  again  in  this  world,  he  jokingly 
replied,  '  We  shall  come  some  time  to  erucity  you.' 
His  prophecy  is  now  being  fulfilled.  After  laboring 
so  hard  for  many  years,  I  am  assailed  on  all  sides,  and 
dare  not  even  lay  claim  to  your  sympathy.  You  \n\'- 
tend  to  be  mediators,  and  yet  you  lay  before  me  arti- 
cles with  which  I  am  expected  to  strangle  myself  and 
my  friends.  You  make  it  impossible  for  me  to  take 
a  single  step  without  peril.  If  I  agree  to  your  arti- 
cles, many  in  our  churches  will  have  cause  to  com- 
plain of  me ;  if  I  do  not  agree  to  them,  you  will  still 
further  excite  your  party  against  me.  What  sludl  I 
do  ?  I  will  agree  to  most  of  your  articles,  if  you  will 
remove  from  me  the  suspicion  of  having  perverted  the 
doctrine  of  justification,  and  will  not  unconditionally 
condemn  the  necessity  of  good  works.  P>ut  the  sev- 
enth article  I  unequivocally  reject.  Even  if  I  yielded 
at  the  wronff  time,  I  am  convinced  that  mv  view  of 
indifierent  matters  is  correct." 

When  the  mediators  brought  this  reply  to  Fladus, 
he  became  greatly  enraged,  put  the  articles  in  a  still 
more  drastic  form,  and  sent  the  mediators  bat'k,  bid- 
ding them  "  lay  the  articles,  with  the  additions,  before 
the  old  teacher  of  errors,  and  tell  him  that,  if  he  ac- 
cepted the  articles,  Flacius  would  permit  him  to  omit 
the  public  recantation."     It  is  likely  that  the  superin- 


244  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

tendents  were  hj  no  means  anxious  to  execute  this 
unpleasant  commission.  But  they  returned  with  the 
articles.  Melanchthon  thanked  them  for  their  efforts 
in  the  interests  of  harmony,  but  rejected  the  renewed 
demands  made  of  him,  and  declared  that  this  answer 
was  final. 

In  February  John  Albert  of  Mecklenburg  endeav- 
ored to  bring  about  a  reconciliation.  He  sent  Vene- 
tus  of  Rostock  and  Mylius,  one  of  his  counselors,  with 
a  new  formula,  in  which  all  the  controverted  subjects 
were  thoroughly  treated,  and  all  decided  in  favor  of 
the  Mai^rdeburff  theoloofians.  Melanchthon  listened  to 
their  proposals,  but  refused  to  enter  into  any  new  ne- 
gotiations, and  sent  them  away  w^ith  a  very  short 
answer. 

In  April  of  this  year  Flacius  received  a  call  to  Jena, 
where  the  gymnasium  had  been  converted  into  a  uni- 
versity. About  the  same  time  Melanchthon  received 
a  call  to  Heidelberg.  This  would  have  been  a  good 
opportunity  to  get  farther  away  from  the  Flacians. 
At  the  request  of  the  elector,  however,  he  decided  to 
remain  at  Wittenberg.  But  he  was  weary  of  the  strife 
and  contention  which  raged  all  about  him.  He  wrote 
to  Camerarius,  that  he  would  be  best  pleased,  if  he 
could  end  his  days  at  some  solitary  place  in  Palestine, 
as  Jerome  did,  but  that  he  could  not  do  so  because  he 
had  a  family  to  support. 


THE    RELIGIOUS    CONFERENCE    AT    WORMS.  245 


CHAPTEK    XXIY. 

THE    RELIGIOUS    CONFERENCE    AT    WORMS.       1557. 

¥ELAXCIITIIO]^  was  tainted  with  some  of 
the  superstitions  of  his  age.  The  predic- 
tion which  had  been  made  of  him  in  his 
infancy  by  an  astrologer,  that  he  woukl  be  ship- 
wrecked on  the  Baltic  Sea,  recurred  to  him  in  tlie 
summer  of  1557,  when  the  elector  decided  to  i»ay  a 
visit  to  his  father-in-law,  the  king  of  Denmark,  and 
desired  Melanchtlion  to  accompany  him.  Some  con- 
troversies were  raging  in  Denmark,  which  the  elector 
hoped  his  theologian  might  be  able  to  end.  When 
Melanchtlion  heard  of  it,  he  feared  that  the  prediction 
made  in  his  infancy  was  about  to  be  fulfilled. 

He  was  much  relieved  when  he  learned  that  the 
elector  had  changed  his  mind  and  that,  instead  of  ac- 
companying that  ruler,  he  w^as  to  go  to  Worms  and 
take  part  in  the  religious  colloquy  to  be  held  tliere. 
After  receiving  his  instructions,  he  departed,  acccnn- 
panied  by  Peucer  and  a  few  other  friends.  When 
they  arrived  in  Frankfort,  August  26th,  t\ivy  learned 
that  the  Weimar  delegates,  Schnepf,  Strigel,  Stoessel, 
and  the  chancellor  Monner,  were  busily  engaged  in 
aii-itatinff  as-ainst  the  Wittenbergers.  But  Melanch- 
thon  continued  his  journey  and  arrived  two  days  later 
in  Worms.  The  theologians  present  were  filled  with 
joy  at  his  coming.  Those  of  Weimar  jilone  did  not 
rejoice. 


246  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

Before  the  religious  conference  opened,  Monner  and 
his  friends  insisted  upon  specifically  condemning,  not 
only  the  doctrines  of  the  Anabaptists,  Schwenkfeldt, 
and  Servetus,  but  all  kinds  of  Zwinglianism,  Major's 
formula  of  the  necessity  of  good  works,  Osiander's 
doctrine  of  justification,  and  all  those  persons  who  had 
yielded  during  the  Interim  and  had  not  acknowledged 
their  error.  These  demands  were  made  by  Monner 
and  Schnepf  at  a  meeting  of  the  Protestant  theolo- 
gians, held  on  September  5th.  They  declared  that,  if 
their  demands  were  not  accepted,  they  would  have 
nothing  to  do  ^^dth  the  approaching  conference.  But 
the  most  that  the  Weimar  delegates  could  accomplish 
was  to  have  these  demands  recorded  as  an  expression 
of  their  individual  views. 

On  September  11th,  the  negotiations  with  the  Ro- 
man Catholics  commenced.  In  the  opening  sessions, 
the  conditions  of  the  debate  were  discussed  with  much 
warmth.  The  Roman  Catholics  maintained  that  the 
perpetual  consensus  of  the  Church  was  to  be  taken  as 
the  criterion;  the  Protestants,  that  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures and  the  ancient  confessional  symbols  were  to  be 
so  taken.  The  discussion  became  still  more  violent 
when  the  doctrine  of  Original  Sin  was  taken  up.  The 
Roman  Catholics  were  by  no  means  desirous  to  pro- 
tract the  conference.  They  wanted  it  broken  up  as 
speedily  as  possible.  The  wily  Bishop  Helding  of 
Merseburg  (Sidonius)  raised  the  question,  whether  the 
Protestants  who  accepted  the  Augsburg  Confession  all 
agreed  in  the  condemnation  of  the  Zwinglians,  Cal- 
vinists,  Osiandrians,  and  the  like.  Melanchthon  per- 
ceived what  the  bishop  was  aiming  at,  and  replied  that 


THE    RELIGIOUS    CONFERENCE    AT    WORMS.  247 

when  the  respective  articles  ciime  up  for  consideration, 
an  answer  would  be  given  to  this  question.  The 
Weimar  theologians  wanted  to  hand  in  the  articles  of 
condemnation  which  they  had  prepared.  But  the  others 
objected,  and  told  them  either  to  drop  their  intention 
or  remain  away  from  the  conference  entirely. 

The  Weimar  theologians  now  claimed  that  they 
were  excluded  from  the  conference.  They  handed  in 
a  protest  and  departed  from  Worms.  The  other  theo- 
logians were  ready  to  continue  the  discussion.  But 
the  Roman  Catholics  declined  to  do  so.  They  said 
that  they  did  not  know  whether  they  would  be  treat- 
ing with  the  true  adherents  of  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession or  not.  The  presiding  officer,  Julius  von 
Pflug,  decided  to  adjourn  the  conference,-  and  wait  for 
instructions  from  King  Ferdinand. 

While  these  matters  were  in  progress,  there  came  a 
delegation  from  France  to  request  the  theologians  to 
intercede  with  their  respective  rulers  in  behalf  of  a 
number  of  Protestants  who  were  imprisoned  in  Paris 
on  account  of  their  faith.  They  were  kindly  received 
by  ^[elanchthon,  and  through  his  exertions  the  princes 
were  prevailed  upon  to  send  a  letter  of  intercession  to 
Henry  II.,  King  of  France. 

Melanchthon  had  little  to  do  in  Worms  after  the 
suspension  of  the  conference.  He  therefore  accepted 
an  invitation  from  the  Elector  Otto  Henry  to  come  to 
Heidelberg  and  assist  in  the  re-organization  of  the  uni- 
versity. While  staying  in  that  city,  he  received  a  visit 
from  his  brother  Georsce  and  his  friend  Camerarius. 
Great  was  his  joy  ov^er  these  arrivals.  But  his  joy  was 
short-lived.     Camerarius  had  brought  sorrowful  news. 


248  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

Melanchthon's  wife  had  died  on  October  11th.  When 
he  heard  the  sad  tidings,  he  looked  up  toward  heaven 
and  said,  "FarewelL  I  shall  soon  follow  thee." 
Walking  with,  his  friend  through  the  elector's  gar- 
dens, he  spoke  of  the  dissensions  which  rent  the 
Church,  and  the  times  which  were  so  full  of  distress. 
But  his  thoughts  recurred  ever  and  anon  to  the  loss 
which  he  had  sustained.  The  beloved  partner  of  his 
life  was  gone,  and  his  sorrow  could  not  be  brushed 
aside.  On  October  31st,  he  wrote  to  Wittenberg : 
"  Although  I  gather  together  all  the  consolations 
possible  to  soothe  my  grief,  and  recollect  that  my 
wife  had  arrived  at  an  age  when  she  could  not  expect 
to  live  many  years  more ;  that  the  attacks  to  which 
she  was  so  long  subject  became  increasingly  painful; 
and  that  if  I  had  died  first  she  would  have  had  to  suf- 
fer still  more ;  yet  the  love  which  I  bore  to  her,  and 
the  thought  of  my  grandchildren  who  have  lost  so 
much  by  her  death,  make  me  almost  give  way  under 
my  grief." 

Melanchthon  returned  again  to  Worms  and  re- 
mained there  the  greater  part  of  November.  Finally, 
on  I^ovember  18th,  Ferdinand's  instructions  arrived. 
He  demanded  the  recall  of  the  Weimar  delegates. 
The  Roman  Catholics  insisted  that  they  would  not 
proceed  until  this  had  been  done.  But  as  the  Protest- 
ants refused  to  do  this,  the  conference  was  adjourned 
until  the  meeting  of  the  next  diet.  The  Protestants 
lodged  complaint  and  protest  against  this  adjourn- 
ment, and  in  the  beginning  of  December  wended  their 
way  homeward. 

Much  bitterness  of  feeling  was  engendered  by  the 


THE    RELIGIOUS    CONFERENCE    AT    WORMS.  249 

outcome  of  this  conference.  The  Weimar  tlieologians 
laid  the  bhime  upon  Mehmchthon  and  his  adherents, 
and  said  that  these  "  holy  pharisees  "  liad  excluded 
them  from  the  negotiations  and  sent  them  home ;  Me- 
lanchthon's  adherents  laid  the  blame  upon  the  Roman 
Catholics ;  while  the  Roman  Catholics,  delighted  with 
the  dissensions  so  apparent  among  the  Lutherans, 
spared  no  pains  to  exhibit  these  divisions  to  all  the 
world,  and  to  prove  that,  after  the  Protestants  had  cut 
loose  from  Rome,  no  different  result  could  liave  l)een 
expected. 

Melanchthon  had  made  an  attempt  to  restore  har- 
mony between  the  Protestants.  After  he  returned 
from  Heidelberg  to  "Worms,  he  had  been  requested  by 
several  princes  to  endeavor  to  bring  about  a  reconcilia- 
tion. He  drew  up  a  formula  for  the  purpose.  In  the 
article  of  justification  he  emphasized  the  fact,  that  we 
are  justified  by  faith  alone.  He  opposed  Osiander's 
doctrine,  and  with  regard  to  Major's  formula  stated 
simjoly,  ^'  Good  works  are  necessary,"  leaving  away  the 
objectionablepart  of  the  proposition,  "unto  salvation." 
Concerning  the  Lord's  Supper  he  declared,  that  the 
real  presence  of  Christ  was  not  to  be  doubted.  He 
rejected  transubstantiation,  local  inclusion  of  the  ])ody 
and  blood  in  the  bread  and  wine,  and  Zwingliaiiism, 
wliic'h  regarded  the  bread  and  wine  simi)ly  as  signs. 
"  Christ  is  substantially  present  in  sucli  a  inanncr,  that, 
by  the  communication  of  his  body  and  l)lood.  He 
makes  us  members  of  his  body  and  gives  assurance 
that  He  applies  to  us  his  benefits,  wishes  to  ])e  efiica^ 
cious  in  us,  and  desires  to  save  and  vivify  our  miseralde 
being  which  has  been  planted  in  Him;   as  Hilary  also 


250  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

declares,  '  Eating  and  drinking  these  bring  it  to  pass, 
that  He  is  in  us,  and  we  in  Him.'  "  This  formula  of 
agreement  received  the  approval  of  all  the  theologians 
but  those  of  Wittenberg.  These  made  some  objection 
to  the  article  on  justification  where  it  treated  of  Osi- 
ander.  When  Melanchthon  saw  that  a  dispute  was 
likely  to  follow  upon  this  point,  he  withdrew  his  for- 
mula until  the  subject  should  come  up  in  the  regular 
order  of  discussion  at  the  conference.  But  as  this  con- 
ference came  to  a  sudden  and  unexpected  end,  nothing 
resulted  from  Melanchthon's  form  of  agreement. 


I 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

HIS    LAST    YEARS    AND    DEATH.       1558-1560. 

y  f  I  HE  dissensions  in  the  Protestant  Church  were 
becoming  greater  and  more  formidable  every 
day.  But  for  this,  the  Reformation  would 
have  triumphed  in  many  places  where  thus  it  failed. 
The  Protestant  princes  were  filled  with  dismay  at  the 
sight  of  the  controversies  which  were  so  rife  among 
the  theologians,  but  they  were  powerless  to  restore 
harmony.  There  was  no  prospect  that  synods,  even 
if  called  together,  would  be  able  to  accomplish  any 
good. 

An  effort  was  made,  however,  to  bring  about  peace. 
In  March,  1558,  the  electors  of  Germany  met  in  Frank- 
fort and  conferred  the  imperial  crown  upon  King 
Ferdinand.     The  three  Protestant  electors  agreed  at 


HIS    LAST    YEARS    AND    DEATH. 


251 


the  same  time,  that  the  best  way  to  restore  harmony 
in  the  Chureli  would  be,  to  have  all  parties  subscribe 
an  agreement  prepared  for  the  purpose.     The  agree- 


Emperor  Ferdinand  I. 


ment  which  they  had  in  mind  was  an  "opinion" 
drawn  up  on  the  subject  by  Melanchthon,  and  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Recess  of  Frankfort.  Xo  sooner 
was  this  opinion  made  public,  than  the  stricter  Lutb- 


252  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

erans  began  an  attack  upon  it.  Flacius  called  it  the 
''  Samaritan  Interim."  Amsdorf,  at  the  request  of 
Duke  John  Frederick,  prepared  a  refutation.  The 
Magdeburg  theologians  said  that  the  princes  wanted 
to  make  themselves  the  law-givers  in  matters  of  faith. 
It  was  even  proposed  to  hold  a  synod  for  the  purpose 
of  condemning  the  action  of  the  princes.  This  effort, 
therefore,  which  was  intended  to  effect  a  reconcilia- 
tion, served  only  to  add  fnel  to  the  flames. 

To  make  matters  worse,  the  synergistic  controversy 
was  added  to  those  which  already  existed.  In  1550, 
Dr.  Pfeffinger  had  published  some  propositions  on  the 
freedom  of  the  will,  and  had  been  at  once  attacked  by 
the  strict  Lutherans.  But  presently  the  matter  was 
forgotten.  Early  in  1558,  however,  Amsdorf  came 
out  with  his  "  Public  Confession  of  the  True  Doctrine 
of  the  Gospel,  and  Confutation  of  the  Fanatics  of  the 
Present  Time."  He  declared  that  Pfeffinger  had  ad- 
vanced the  proposition,  that  the  will  of  man  conspired 
with  the  grace  of  God.  Pfeffinger  republished  his 
propositions,  and  put  forth  a  reply  in  which  he  claimed, 
that  he  had  been  misrepresented;  that  he  had  simply 
maintained  that  the  human  will  cannot,  indeed,  incite 
itself  to  any  good  work  and  must  be  awakened  by  the 
Holy  Spirit;  but  that  the  human  will  is  not  excluded 
in  conversion  and  must  do  its  share,  because  the  Holy 
Ghost  does  not  deal  with  men  as  with  blocks  and 
stones. 

A  violent  controversy  followed,  in  which  many 
darts,  ostensibly  aimed  at  others,  were  meant  to  strike 
Melanchthon.  For  a  long  time,  however,  he  did  not 
reply.     Finally,  in  1559,  the   Dukes  of  Saxony  pub- 


HIS    LAST    YEARS    AND    DKATII.  253 

lished  a  "  Confutation  "  in  which  all  the  heresies  which 
had  hitherto  appeared  in  the  Lutheran  Church,  in- 
cluding the  last  one  of  all,  Synergism,  were  formally 
condemned.  Synergism  was  represented  in  this  work 
as  the  error  of  the  adiaphorists,  and  the  doctrines 
which  were  condemned  were  couched  in  the  language 
of  Melanchthon.  To  this  he  made  reply.  In  Mare-h 
he  sent  his  son-in-law  Peucer  to  the  elector  at  Dresden 
with  a  writing,  in  which  he  declared  that  the  whole 
article  in  the  "  Confutation "  referring  to  synergism 
was  directed  against  him,  hut  that  he  must  stand  by 
his  convictions.  It  is  true,  he  said,  that  God  through 
the  Word  sends  the  Holy  Spirit  into  the  heart  and 
works  in  it,  and  that  the  prevenient  grace  of  God  is 
necessary  for  conversion ;  but  that  conversion  follows 
only  when  the  human  will  co-operates  with  divine 
grace. 

The  elector  sent  this  opinion  to  the  landgrave,  and 
the  landgrave  sent  it  to  the  younger  John  Frederick, 
with  the  remark,  that  the  paper  had  his  approval. 
John  Frederick  replied  that  he  did  not  know  of  a 
single  place  in  the  Confutation  in  which  ^^i'lanc'h- 
thon's  name  was  mentioned;  hut  that  if  Melanchthon 
had  cried  out,  he  must  have  been  hit.  At  the  land- 
grave's request,  however,  John  Frederick  consented 
to  release  Strigel,  who  had  been  imprisoned  for  his 
synergistic  views,  and  to  arrange  for  a  colloquium  be- 
tween Flacius  and  Strigel.  In  the  meeting  which  iol- 
lowed  between  these  two,  it  happened  that  Flacius, 
the  great  champion  of  orthodoxy  who  had  assailed  M«- 
lanchthon  so  violently,  made  a  misstep  himself  In 
the  excitement  of  debate,  he  asserted  that  original  sin 


254  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

is  not  an  accident  but  the  essence  of  human  nature. 
He  obstinately  refused  to  retract  his  statement,  and 
was  therefore  banished  for  his  heresy.  He  died  in 
great  poverty  in  1575. 

In  September,  1558,  there  were  published  thirty-one 
articles  by  the  authorities  of  Bavaria  for  the  use  of  the 
Inquisition  in  that  State.  In  May  of  the  following 
year,  Melanchthon  issued  a  "  Reply  to  the  Wicked 
Articles  of  the  Bavarian  Inquisition."  This  publica- 
tion is  valuable,  because  it  appeared  so  shortly  before 
his  death  and  therefore  presents  the  views  which  he 
held  on  many  of  the  subjects  involved  in  the  contro- 
A^ersies  of  the  time.  In  this  work  he  not  only  se- 
verely attacked  the  Roman  Catholics,  but  expressed 
himself  upon  the  controverted  doctrines  of  the  Luth- 
eran Church.  In  his  last  will  and  testament  he  states 
that  he  wants  this  reply  to  be  regarded  as  his  confes- 
sion. Concerning  conversion,  he  claims  that  grace 
precedes,  and  the  human  will  follows,  as  Chrysostom 
says  :  God  draws,  but  only  him  who  is  willing.  "  At 
the  same  time  I  confess,"  he  adds,  "  that  in  all  the 
saints,  God  accomplishes  most  of  the  work  in  such  a 
way,  that  the  will  remains  a  passive  subject.  N'ever- 
theless,  this  rule  is  to  be  maintained :  Faith  cometh  by 
hearing,  it  is  nourished  by  meditation  upon  the  prom- 
ise, it  is  assailed  by  mistrust.  Amid  true  sighings  we 
may  say,  '  I  believe.  Lord,  help  thou  mine  unbe- 
lief " 

Melanchthon  now  became  involved  also  in  a  dis- 
pute which  raged  in  the  Palatinate  concerning  the 
Lord's  Supper.  A  controversy  arose  there  between 
the  general  superintendent  Hesshus  of  Heidelberg  and 


HIS    LAST    YEARS    AND    DEATH.  255 

the  deacon  Klebitz.  The  latter  liehl  Calviuistic  views. 
The  elector  of  that  State,  Frederick  III.,  deposed  both 
of  them  from  ofhce,  and  sent  to  Melanchthon  for  ad- 
vice. He  wanted  to  know,  whether  lie  had  acted 
properly,  what  was  Melanchthon's  opinion  of  tlie 
merits  of  the  controversy,  and  how  harmony  might 
be  restored.  In  his  reply,  Melanchthon  approved  the 
elector's  course,  and  advised  the  employment  of  the 
apostle  Paul's  formida :  "  The  bread  which  we  break, 
is  it  not  the  communion  of  the  body  of  Christ?"  The 
apostle,  he  declared,  "  did  not  say  that  the  nature  of 
the  bread  is  changed,  as  the  papists  maintain.  lie 
did  not  say  that  the  bread  is  the  substantial  l)ody  of 
Christ,  as  those  of  Bremen  maintain.  He  did  not  say 
that  the  bread  is  the  true  body  of  Christ,  as  Hesshtis 
does;  but  that  it  is  a  communion,  that  is  to  say,  it  is 
that  by  which  a  union  with  the  body  of  Christ  is  ef- 
fected, and  Avhich  takes  place  during  the  use  [of  the 
sacrament]  and  by  no  means  without  cogitation,  as 
for  instance,  if  mice  should  eat  tlie  bread.  Most 
fiercely  do  the  papists,  and  others  like  them,  quarrel 
over  the  question,  whether  it  should  be  said  that  the 
body  of  Christ  is,  apart  from  its  reception,  contained 
in  the  form  of  bread  or  in  the  bread,  and  demand  its 
adoration.  Thus  Morlinus  of  Brunswick  has  said  : 
'  You  must  not  say  mum,  mum,  but  must  say  what 
thisis  which  the  priest  holds  in  his  hand.'  .  .  .  .  Christ 
is  not  present  on  account  of  the  bread,  l)ut  on  account 
of  man,  as  He  said,  'Abide  in  me,  aii<l  I  in  you.' 
Again,  'lam  in  my  Father,  and  ye  in  me  and  I  in 
you.'  And  in  these  two  consolations  He  makes  us 
his   members,   and  testifies   that    He   will    make    our 


256  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

bodies  -alive.  Thus  the  ancients  explain  the  Lord's 
SupjDer." 

While  it  would  seem  from  this,  that  Melanchthon's 
view  of  the  Lord's  Supper  was  as  much  in  accord  with 
Calvin's  as  Luther's,  still  this  does  not  in  itself  prove 
that  he  sought  to  drive  out  Lutheranism  and  intro- 
duce Calvinism  in  the  Palatinate.  His  aim  for  many 
years  had  been  to  prepare  a  formula  which  Lutherans 
and  Calvinists  both  might  accept.  It  is  true,  the 
elector  of  the  Palatinate  banished  the  Lutherans,  and 
introduced  the  Reformed  doctrines.  But  it  would  be 
unjust  to  Melanchthon  to  say  that  he  advised  or 
sought  such  a  result. 

The  aged  Brenz,  who  had  hitherto  been  on  very 
friendly  terms  with  Melanchthon,  was  so  aggrieved  by 
the  change  effected  in  the  Palatinate,  that  he  assem- 
bled a  svnod  in  Stutto^art  and  had  the  doctrine  of  the 
ubiquity  of  Christ's  body  received  into  the  confessions 
of  the  Church  of  Wiirtemberg.  As  Melanchthon 
had  but  recently,  in  his  reply  to  the  articles  of  the 
Bavarian  inquisition,  expressed  himself  strongly 
against  this  doctrine,  another  controversy  was  added 
to  those  which  already  existed.  The  princes  proposed 
the  holding  of  a  synod,  but  Melanchthon  objected  on 
the  ground,  that  synods  have  been  the  cause  of  great 
disorders,  and  that  it  was  about  as  perilous  to  call  one 
as  to  declare  a  war. 

Melanchthon  was  much  distressed  by  the  troubles 
of  his  friend  Hardenberg  of  Bremen.  When  Hesshus 
had  been  expelled  from  the  Palatinate,  he  fled  to  Bre- 
men, where  the  prevailing  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per agreed  with  his  own.     ILirdenberg  alone  stood 


HIS  LAST  YEARS  AND  DEATH.  257 

accused  of  Calvinism.  Ilesshus  was  offered  a  position, 
but  he  refused  to  accept,  unless  Ilardenberg  changed 
his  views.  He  proposed  a  discussion  with  Ilarden- 
berg. Melanehthon  wrote  to  the  latter,  and  advised 
him  not  to  accept  the  challenge.  But  when  arrange- 
ments for  the  discussion  w^ere  made  nevertheless,  Me- 
lanehthon resolved  to  go  to  Bremen  to  support  his 
friend.  The  discussion,  however,  did  not  take  place. 
Hardenberg  at  the  last  moment  refused  to  take  part  in 
it.  He  was  deposed  from  his  office  in  February,  1561. 
Melanehthon  did  not  live  to  see  this.  The  death 
for  which  he  had  longed  came  at  last,  released  him 
from  his  woes,  and  introduced  him  into  a  world  where 
he  might  enjoy  that  peace  which  was  denied  him 
here.  Many  of  his  best  friends  had  preceded  him  to 
the  better  world.  Luther,  Cruciger,  Dietrich,  Bucer, 
George  von  Anhalt,  Sturm,  Bugenhagen — these  had 
all  been  called  to  their  eternal  reward,  while  he  had  been 
left  weary  and  worn  and  sad  to  struggle  on.  His  soul 
longed  for  peace ;  yet  for  thirty  years  he  had  been  in- 
volved in  continuous  struggles  and  controversies,  either 
with  the  Roman  Catholics,  or  with  the  stricter  wing  of 
the  Lutherans.  Just  a  few  weeks  before  he  died,  lie 
wrote  to  his  friend  Baumgiirtner  of  Nuremberg:  *' I 
am  consumed  by  my  longing  for  the  heavenly  Father- 
land." After  his  death  there  was  found  on  his  desk 
a  paper  on  which  he  had  shortly  before  enumerated 
"  the  reasons  why  one  ought  to  have  the  less  dread  of 
death."  On  the  left  he  had  written:  -Thou  shalt 
escape  from  sin  ;  thou  shalt  be  freed  from  care  and  from 
the  fury  of  the  theologians."  On  the  right:  "Thou 
shalt  come  into  the  liii'lit ;  thou  shalt  see  God;  thou 


258  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

shalt  behold  the  Son  of  God :  thou  shalt  learn  those 
wonderful  mysteries  which  in  this  world  thou  couldst 
not  comprehend,  why  we  are  thus  formed,  what  is  the 
character  of  the  union  of  the  two  natures."  An  old 
record  declares,  that  he  had  for  several  years  been 
looking  for  death,  that  ^'  he  had  done  as  much  as  he 
could  in  this  life,  and  would  commit  the  rest  to  God. 
He  comforted  himself  with  the  reflection,  that  his  in- 
tentions had  been  sincere  and  upright,  and  his  con- 
science did  not  accuse  him  of  wilful  wrons:.  With 
this  clear  conscience  he  expected  to  go  into  the  pres- 
ence of  his  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  with  God's  help,  not- 
withstanding all  that  an  ungrateful  world  might  say." 

He  was  indeed  becoming  worn  out.  And  who  that 
thinks  of  the  enormous  amount  of  labor  which  he 
performed,  the  many  struggles  Avhich  he  endured,  and 
the  anxiety  which  so  constantly  preyed  upon  him,  can 
wonder  that  it  should  be  so  ?  The  marvel  is  that  so 
frail  and  delicate  a  frame  lasted  as  lono^  as  it  did. 

Toward  the  end  of  March,  1560,  he  journeyed  to 
Leipzig  to  attend  an  examination  of  students.  On 
April  4th,  he  returned  to  Wittenberg  in  the  face  of  a 
bitter  north  wind.  He  suffered  greatly  from  the  cold, 
and  said  that  he  had  not  felt  it  so  much  throuo^h  the 
whole  winter.  Four  days  later  he  was  attacked  by  a 
fever,  and  felt  a  sense  of  oppression  on  his  chest.  He 
looked  very  ill,  and  his  friends  became  alarmed.  He 
endeavored  to  work,  but  found  it  necessary  to  stop 
frequently  and  rest.  His  son-in-law,  the  physician 
Caspar  Peucer,  supposed  it  was  a  new  attack  of  gravel, 
and  ordered  a  warm  bath  and  poultices.  Melanchthon 
was  so  weak  that  he  could  hardly  totter  to  the  wash- 


HIS  LAST  YEARS  AND  DEATH.  259 

bowl,  and  remarked,  "  I  shall  go  out  like  ;i  feeble 
light."  Ill  spite  of  his  weakness,  he  wanted  to  deliver 
his  lectures  as  usual.  Two  friends  aeeonipanied  him 
to  the  lecture-hall.  But  when  they  arrived  there,  they 
found  that  they  were  too  early,  and  that  very  few  stu- 
dents were  present.  He  felt  so  ill  that  he  decided  to 
return  home.  At  nine  he  went  again  to  the  university, 
but  was  unal)le  to  speak  longer  than  a  quarter  of  an 
hour. 

A  warm  bath  improved  his  condition  a  little.  He 
partook  of  some  food,  and  retired  to  rest  for  three 
hours.  At  supper  time,  he  was  somewhat  better. 
Then  for  a  few  days  it  seemed  as  if  he  would  recover. 
On  April  10th  he  remarked,  while  revising  his  funeral 
oration  on  Duke  Philip  of  Pomerania,  who  had  died 
February  24th,  "  I  am  engaged  in  funti-al  matters 
now.  This  Avorthy  prince  was  named  IMiilip;  per- 
haps I  will  be  the  next  Philip,  from  among  the  com- 
mon people,  to  follow  him." 

On  Good  Friday,  April  12th,  he  delivered  a  festival 
meditation  on  Isaiah  53.  He  slept  soundly  that  night 
and  imagined,  when  he  awoke,  that  he  was  singing,  as 
he  had  done  in  his  boyhood,  "  With  desire  have  I  de- 
sired to  eat  this  passover  with  you  before  T  suffer."^ 
On  Saturday  he  wrote  an  Easter  Meditation,  carrying 
it  to  the  printing  office  himself.  Then  he  wint  to 
church  and  received  the  Lord's  Supper.  Later  in  tlie 
day  he  went  to  see  what  progress  the  printers  were 
makino-,  and  this  was  the  last  time  he  was  seen  alive 
on  the  street.  Toward  night  the  fever  again  set  in. 
His  friend  Camerarius  arrived  to  see  him  about  four 
o'clock.     lie  found   Melanchthon   at   the   foot  of  the 


260  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

stairway  leading  to  his  room,  and  assisted  him  to  as- 
cend. The  next  morning,  which  was  Easter,  Me- 
lanchthon  was  very  weak.  Still,  he  made  prepara- 
tions to  deliver  the  Easter  meditation  Avhich  he  had 
prepared  the  preceding  day.  He  was  not  at  all  pleased 
when  he  learned,  that  announcement  had  been  made 
that  he  would  he  unable  to  appear. 

On  Monday  he  conversed  for  a  long  time  with  his 
friend  Camerarius.  "  My  dear  Joachim,"  he  said, 
"we  have  now  been  good  friends  for  nearly  forty 
years.  We  have  loved  each  other,  and  have  never 
sought  to  take  advantage  of  one  another.  We  have 
been  true  schoolmasters  and  faithful  friends,  each  in 
his  place,  and  I  trust  that  our  labors  have  not  been  in 
vain,  but  have  done  much  good.  If  it  should  be  God's 
will  that  I  shall  now  die,  we  will  continue  our  friend- 
ship in  the  world  to  come." 

As  Melanchthon  seemed  to  be  feeling  better,  Came- 
rarius bade  him  farewell  on  Tuesd^ly,  April  17th,  and 
promised  to  return  as  soon  as  his  engagements  would 
permit  him  to  do  so.  The  last  words  which  Melanch- 
thon spoke  to  his  friend  were  these  :  "  The  Son  of  God, 
who  sits  at  the  right  hand  of  his  heavenly  Father  and 
bestows  gifts  upon  men,  preserve  you  and  yours  and 
all  of  us.  Give  your  wife  my  kind  regards."  As  he 
rode  away,  Melanchthon  went  to  a  window  and  k)oked 
intently  after  him.  When  Camerarius  again  came  to 
Wittenberg,  Melanchthon  was  dead. 

A  new  attack  of  the  fever  set  in  almost  immediately. 
The  sick  man  became  weaker  and  weaker.  He  felt 
that  his  end  was  approaching  fast.  He  asked  for  a 
copy  of  his  will,  which  he  had  prepared  at  a  previous 


HIS  LAST  YEARS  AND  DEATH.  261 

period.  When  it  could  not  be  found,  lie  began  a  new 
one,  but  was  unable  to  complete  it.  On  April  18tli, 
he  inquired  of  Peucer  what  hope  there  w^as  of  his  re- 
covery. Peucer  reluctantly  confessed  that  there  was 
but  little.  Melanchthon  replied :  "  Yes,  I  know  my 
weakness,  and  am  well  aware  what  it  means.  I  have 
committed  the  whole  matter  to  God.  I  pray  Ilim  to 
deal  mercifully  with  me."  On  the  19th  his  puke  be- 
came very  weak.  The  professors  and  many  of  the 
students  gathered  anxiously  around  his  bed.  Portions 
of  the  Holy  Scripture  were  read  to  him.  He  said  that 
the  words  which  were  particularly  dear  to  liim  were 
these :  "  As  many  as  received  Him,  to  them  gave  he 
power  to  become  the  sons  of  God."  The  trouldes 
which  afflicted  the  Church  occupied  his  thoughts  a 
great  deal.  He  conversed  much  about  them.  He 
prayed  long  and  earnestly  by  himself.  The  by-standers 
knelt  and  prayed  with  him. 

The  end  was  at  hand.  Dr.  Peucer  asked  him 
whether  he  desired  anything.  Melanchthon  repUed, 
"Nothing  but  heaven.  Let  me  rest  and  pray.  My 
end  is  near."  At  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  of 
April  19,  1560,  he  gently  fell  asleep  in  the  Lord.  He 
reached  the  age  of  sixty-three  years. 

Great  was  the  mourning  in  Wittenberg  and  far  be- 
yond it,  when  his  death  became  known.  The  funeral 
was  held  on  April  21st.  In  a  double  coffin  of  pewter 
and  wood,  he  was  carried  by  the  professors  to  the 
parish  church.  A  long  funeral  procession  followed. 
Paul  Eber  delivered  a  sermon  on  1  Thess.  4.  Tlim 
tlie  funeral  proceeded  to  the  Electoral  ehureh,  where 
his  body  was  deposited  in  its  last  resting  place,  beside 


262 


LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 


the  body  of  Luther.     A  metal  plate  marks  his  tomb; 
and  to  the  left  of  the  altar,  on  the  wall,  is  a  tablet 


Melanchthon's  Tomb. 


which,  in  the  words  of  his  friend  Camerarius,  tells  of 
the  merit  and  worth  of  this  great  reformer,  eminent 
teacher,  and  truly  remarkable  man  of  God. 


HIS    CHARACTER    AND    SERVICES.  263 


CHAPTER    XXYI. 

HIS  CHARACTER  AND  SERVICES. 

^   I   y  IIE  hostility  which  existed  toward  Mehmchthon 
I  during  the  last  years  of  his  life  continued 

"5^  after  his  death.  His  valuable  services  in  the 
cause  of  the  Reformation  were  forgotten  by  all  but  his 
immediate  followers ;  while  his  concessions  to  the  Ro- 
man Catholics,  his  unionizing  efforts,  and  his  diver- 
gence from  strict  orthodoxy,  were  remembered  against 
him.  Early  in  the  seventeenth  century  the  feeling 
against  him  was  still  so  strong  that,  in  a  public  dis- 
cussion at  Wittenberg,  the  Lutheran  theologian 
Leonhard  Hutter  became  so  enraged  when  Melanch- 
thon  was  quoted  as  an  authority,  that  he  violently  tore 
down  and  trampled  under  foot  a  picture  of  Melanch- 
thon  which  hung  on  the  wall.  For  nearly  two  hun- 
dred years  after  his  death  there  were  few  who  ven- 
tured to  lift  their  voices  in  his  favor,  to  point  out  the 
distinguished  services  which  he  rendered  to  tlie  cause 
of  the  truth,  or  to  accord  to  him  the  honor  to  which  he 
was  justly  entitled.  Then  a  re-action  set  in,  and  ]»iibHc 
opinion,  like  the  pendulum,  swung  from  one  extreme 
to  the  other.  He  was  now  exalted  even  above  Luther, 
and  represented  as  the  chief  reformer  of  tlie  sixteentb 
century. 

Melanchthon  had  an  important  place  to  fill  in  the 
Reformation,  but  it  was  not  as  chief  reformer.  The 
Reformation  would  have  proved  a  failure,  if  its  direc- 


264  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

tion  had  depended  principally  upon  him.  He  lacked 
the  heroic,  resolute  and  steadfast  character  which  was 
requisite  in  one  who  should  begin  and  carry  out,  in  the 
face  of  an  opposing  world,  so  mighty  a  spiritual  revo- 
lution. But  while  he  lacked  the  qualities  necessary  to 
make  him  an  independent  reformer,  he  possessed  in  an 
eminent  degree  the  very  talents  which  were  needed  to 
make  him  an  invaluable  assistant  to  Luther.  A  wise 
and  beneficent  Providence  decreed  that  these  two,  the 
one  warlike,  aggressive,  bold,  the  other  peaceful,  cau- 
tious, apprehensive,  should  labor  side  by  side  for  the 
same  great  cause ;  and  that,  linked  together  by  the 
same  devotion  to  God  and  the  truth,  they  should  sup- 
plement one  another's  work  by  the  very  diversity  of 
their  talents  and  temperaments. 

The  brilliant  intellectual  gifts  of  Melanchthon  elic- 
ited the  unqualified  admiration  of  Luther,  Erasmus, 
and  in  fact  of  all  his  contemporaries.  Endowed  by 
nature  with  an  extraordinary  memory,  and  possessed 
of  unwearied  industry  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge,  he 
became  in  almost  every  branch  of  learning  the  peer 
and  frequently  the  superior  of  those  who  made  these 
branches  a  special  study.  Equally  remarkable  was  the 
readiness  with  which  he  employed  his  extensive 
acquirements.  Examples,  analogies,  quotations,  seemed 
to  be  at  his  finger's  ends.  His  was  not,  however,  a 
creative  mind.  His  mental  habit  was  dialectic  and 
discursive.  His  strength  lay  not  in  ability  to  create  a 
great  and  comprehensive  system  of  doctrines,  but  in 
the  power  to  develop,  expand,  clear  up,  define,  and  de- 
fend evangelical  truth.  The  old  comparison,  that  Lu- 
ther found  the  deep-lying  veins  of  ore  and  brought  the 


HIS    CHARACTER    AND    SERVICES.  265 

precious  metal  to  light,  while  Melauchthon  coined  it 
and  set  it  to  circulating,  contains  much  of  truth.  The 
doctrines  which  Luther  drew  from  thellolj  Scriptures, 
Melanchthon  elaborated,  put  in  pleasing  form,  and 
disseminated.  It  was  particularly  through  his  efforts 
that  the  Gospel  found  acceptance  among  the  princes, 
nobility  and  learned  men  of  the  day.  He  was  gifted 
with  rare  powers  of  lucid  expression,  and  wrote  a 
beautiful  style.  On  this  account  he  became  the  scribe 
of  the  Reformation.  He  not  only  wrote  those  two 
greatest  confessions  of  Protestantism,  The  Augsburg 
Confession  and  The  Apology,  but  whenever  the  Wit- 
tenberg theologians  were  called  upon  for  an  opinion, 
it  was  almost  invariably  Melanchthon  upon  whom  the 
task  of  preparing  it  devolved. 

Spiritually  Melanchthon  was  marked  by  a  deep, 
sincere  piety.  His  personal  life  was  pure ;  and  in  all 
his  public  activity  he  was  guided  by  a  desire  to  pro- 
mote the  kingdom  of  God.  He  wrote  to  Camerarius, 
that  his  own  spiritual  improvement  was  the  chief  rea- 
son why  he  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  theology. 
He  w^as  profoundly  conscious  of  his  (h'[K'n deuce  on 
God.  At  the  beginning  of  every  task  he  prayed: 
"  Lord,  help,  and  be  merciful  unto  us."  In  times  of 
emergency  and  danger  he  comforted  himself  with  the 
passage,  "  In  Him  we  live  and  move  and  have  our  be- 
ing." Wlien  he  entered  his  lecture  ro(un,  it  was  with 
tliL'  thought  that  this  was  the  temple  in  whicli  lie  was 
to  glorify  God.  He  aimed  to  elevate  and  improve  liis 
hearers,  morally  and  spiritually.  Hi'  lacked,  indeed, 
Luther's  sublime  confidence  in  (iod's  care  for  the 
Church;   but  it  was  because  he  feared  that  he  inii^ht 


266  LIFE    OF    MELAXCHTHON. 

omit  something  which  God,  in  His  plans  for  the  good 
of  the  Church,  desired  to  have  him  do. 

In  disposition  Melanchthon  was  mild  and  concilia- 
ting. The  public  documents  and  opinions  prepared  by 
him  are  characterized  no  less  by  extreme  moderation, 
than  by  clearness  in  the  presentation  of  the  truth. 
This  fact  secured  for  the  Gospel  a  favorable  hearing 
from  many  wdio  felt  themselves  repelled  by  the  brusque 
and  vehement  manner  of  Luther.  But  his  moderation 
was  carried  to  excess.  In  the  earlier  stages  of  the 
Reformation  it  served,  indeed,  a  useful  purpose.  It 
helped  to  keep  that  movement  within  proper  and  le- 
gitimate bounds,  and  won  to  the  cause  of  the  truth 
many  who  would  not  otherwise  have  been  gained. 
But  in  later  years  it  involved  the  Beformation  in  seri- 
ous difficulties.  For  fear  that  he  might  say  too  much, 
he  often  omitted  to  say  what  needed  to  be  said ;  for 
dread  lest  others  might  not  be  able  to  subscribe  his 
formulas,  he  made  them  too  wide  and  ambiguous ;  for 
apprehension  lest  he  should  insist  on  what  w^as  not 
after  all  essential,  he  surrendered  what  dared  not 
safely  be  yielded,  and  thus  jeopardized  the  Church. 

This  conduct  was  in  a  large  measure  due  to  his 
temperament.  He  was  by  nature  averse  to  extremes. 
But  he  was  greatly  influenced  also  by  his  conscien- 
tiousness. In  the  public  negotiations  in  which  he 
took  so  prominent  a  part,  he  was  almost  overwhelmed 
by  a  sense  of  the  responsibility  which  rested  upon  him. 
He  w^ould  gladly  have  escaped  from  these  negotia- 
tions. He  would  much  rather  have  remained  in  his 
study  and  lecture-room.  But  Luther  was  under  the 
imperial  ban  and  dared  not  appear  publicly  outside  of 


HIS    CHARACTER    AND    SERVICES.  267 

the  elector  of  Saxony's  dominions.  Melanehthon 
found  himself,  therefore,  contrary  to  his  own  iii(Tni;i- 
tions,  ohligod  to  hoeome  the  representative  of  the 
Lutherans  in  diets  and  colloquies.  Xo  man  could 
have  endeavored  more  scrupidously  than  he  to  fulfill 
the  difficult  task  imposed  upon  him.  It  is  true,  he 
over-estimated  the  value  of  peace,  feared  too  much  the 
prohahle  consequences  of  war,  and  made  concessions 
which  he  never  should  have  made.  But  he  made 
these  concessions  because  he  believed,  that  a  ruinous 
Avar  would  follow  if  he  did  not  do  so,  and  that  the  re- 
sponsibility for  it  would  rest  upon  him.  His  fears 
were  not  for  his  own  person,  but  for  the  Gospel  and 
the  general  welfare.  Anxiety  to  save  the  truth  from 
suppression  marred  his  judgment  as  to  wliat  might  be 
conceded  with  impunity;  but  he  never  surrendered 
anything  which  appeared  to  him  essential  to  the 
Church.  That  he  yielded  in  the  Leipzig  Interim,  he 
himself  confessed  was  an  error.  He  thought  that  a 
minor  servitude  would  be  better  than  a  disruption  of 
the  churches,  and  that  an  outward  conformity  to 
Roman  Catholic  usages  and  ceremonies  would  not  in- 
terfere with  the  true  doctrine,  if  the  meaning  of  those 
usages  were  properly  explained  to  the  people.  lie 
should  have  taken  an  uncompromising  stand  for  the 
truth,  and  entrusted  the  consequences  to  God.  Yet 
he  doubtless  endeavored  to  fulfill  what  he  regarded  as 
his  duty  in  those  trying  times. 

With  all  his  goodness  of  heart  and  sincerity  of  pur- 
pose, it  is  undeniable  that,  by  his  vacillating  conduct 
and  ambiguous  phraseology,  Melanehthon  uninten- 
tionally gave   occasion  for  many  of  the    distractions 


268  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

which  rent  the  Church  after  Luther's  death.  He  meant 
to  do  what  lay  in  his  power  to  allay  controversy  and 
restore  peace.  But  the  very  means  which  he  used 
served  only  to  make  matters  worse.  The  alterations 
which  he  so  frequently  made  in  his  own  works  and 
the  public  confessions  of  the  Church,  whether  for  the 
sake  of  refining  his  style  or  of  bringing  about  a  union 
of  Lutherans  and  Reformed,  together  with  the  uncer- 
tainty which  existed  with  regard  to  his  private  views 
on  some  of  the  most  important  doctrines  of  the  Church, 
involved  the  Lutheran  Reformation  in  difficulties  which 
filled  its  enemies  with  delight,  but  its  friends  Avith 
grief  and  dismay.  In  the  controversies  which  raged 
for  twenty  years  after  his  death,  many  whose  teaching 
he  would  by  no  means  have  sanctioned  took  shelter 
behind  his  name,  because  his  writings  could  be  inter- 
preted in  a  double  sense  and  construed  as  approving 
of  error.  He  was  attacked  in  his  last  years  with  un- 
necessary bitterness  and  rancor ;  but  he  himself  had 
given  occasion  for  the  attacks  by  the  diversity  of  the 
statements  and  the  ambiguity  of  the  formulas  which 
he  had  published,  and  which  the  strict  Lutherans  in 
their  zeal  for  the  truth  felt  obliged  to  assail.  Had  he 
taken  a  firm  stand,  instead  of  changing  his  writings 
whenever  a  delusive  hope  of  an  agreement  with  the 
Roman  Catholics  or  of  a  union  with  the  Reformed 
presented  itself,  he  would  have  saved  himself  and  the 
Church  much  trouble  and  vexation. 

Melanchthon  owed  liis  spiritual  enlightenment  to 
Luther.  In  this  respect  he  shares  in  the  debt  which, 
under  God,  we  all  owe  to  the  intrepid  monk  of  Witten- 
berg.    Without  Luther  "  he  might  have    become  or 


HIS    CHARACTER    AND    SERVICES.  269 

remained  a  seeoiul  Erasmus,"  with  the  same  ek'gant 
cuUure  and  aesthetic  taste,  though  a  deeper  piety  and 
profounder  earnestness  of  purpose.  But  liaving  come 
within  the  circle  of  Luther's  influence,  he  zealously 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  trutli  and  lent  his  powerful 
aid  to  its  dissemination.  For  a  long  time  his  doctrinal 
views  coincided  fully  with  those  of  Luther.  But 
during  the  latter  years  of  Luther's  life,  owing  to  Me- 
lanchthon's  extreme  reverence  for  the  authority  of  the 
Church  Fathers  and  the  ethical  standpoint  from  which 
he  viewed  theoloo^v,  a  diver2:ence  of  teachino^  seemed 
imminent.  The  influence  of  Luther's  strong  person- 
ality prevented  such  a  crisis  as  long  as  he  lived ;  but 
it  came  after  Luther's  death. 

The  ethical  standpoint  from  which  Melanchthon  sur- 
veyed theology  exerted  a  strong  influence  upon  his 
views.  While  he  recognized  the  doctrine  of  justiflca^ 
tion  by  faith  as  the  heart  and  core  of  the  Gospel,  he 
desired  to  insist  upon  the  necessity  of  good  works,  and 
employed  on  that  subject  the  formula  to  which  so  nuu-h 
objection  was  raised,  "  Good  works  are  necessary  to 
salvation."  While  he  believed  in  the  real  presence  in 
the  Lord's  Supper,  he  emphasized,  in  his  treatment  of 
the  Sacrament,  the  effect  which  the  use  of  it  has  upon 
the  communicant,  rather  than  the  manner  of  Christ's 
presence.  In  the  matter  of  conversion,  he  was  anxious 
to  lay  stress  upon  human  responsibility  for  remaining 
in  an  unconverted  state.  But  instead  of  basing  tliis 
responsibility  upon  the  ability  of  man  to  resist  God's 
grace  after  the  Holy  Spirit  has  given  liini  power  to 
accept  it,  he  atflrmed,  contrary  to  his  own  earlier 
teaching,  that  man  has  the  "  ability  to  apply  himself 


270  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

to  grace,"  that  is,  has  power  of  his  own  accord  to  em- 
brace the  proffered  salvation. 

Because  of  the  difficulties  which  became  prominent 
in  the  later  years  of  Melanchthon's  life,  it  has  been 
argued  that  Luther  made  a  mistake  in  the  year  1540, 
when  by  his  prayer  he  rescued  Melanchthon  from  the 
jaws  of  death  in  which  he  apparently  lay;  that  God 
had  then  proposed,  for  Melanchthon's  own  good  and 
that  of  the  Church,  to  remove  him  from  this  world ; 
but  that  He  was  prevented  from  carrying  out  His  gra- 
cious design  by  Luther's  vehement  insistance  on  the 
absolute  fulfilment  ot  God's  promise  to  hear  our 
prayers.  Whether  Luther  erred  or  not,  this  much  is 
certain  :  if  Melanchthon  had  then  died,  his  fame  would 
have  remained  comparatively  free  from  the  blot  which 
his  vacillating  conduct  made  upon  it,  and  the  Church 
have  been  spared  the  necessity  of  openly  antagonizing 
so  gifted  and  distinguished  a  servant  of  the  Gospel. 

Still,  Melanchthon's  weaknesses  and  faults  ought 
not  to  blind  us  to  his  virtues.  The  greatest  of  God's 
servants  have  not  been  without  their  failings.  Lament 
as  we  will  Melanchthon's  shortcomings,  we  must  yet 
honor  him  for  his  merits.  Nearly  every  branch  of 
study  owes  something  to  his  mind  and  pen.  The 
cause  of  education  feels  his  impress  to  this  day.  Some 
of  the  very  text-books  which  he  wrote  were  in  use  for 
almost  two  hundred  years.  It  was  he  who  firmly  es- 
tablished the  study  of  the  classics  as  the  foundation  of 
a  truly  liberal  culture.  The  correctness  of  his  judg- 
ment in  this  respect  is  attested  by  the  fact,  that  the 
study  of  the  classics  still  remains  to  a  large  extent  the 
basis  of  higher  education.     Li  the  organization  of  new 


HIS    CHARACTER    AND    SERVICES.  271 

and  tlie  iinprovemont  of  existing  schools,  in  tlic  re- 
organization of  many  universities,  and  in  tlie  instruc- 
tion which  he  imparted  as  professor  at  Wittenberg,  he 
rendered  invakiable  services.  He  did  much  to  pro- 
mote the  recognition  of  the  close  relation  ])etween 
Church  and  school,  and  the  necessity  of  the  one  for 
the  prosperity  of  the  other.  He  made  learning  the 
handmaid  of  religion.  He  dedicated  his  own  bril- 
liant talents  to  the  service  of  the  truth  as  it  is  in 
Jesus,  and  labored  to  instill  a  like  spirit  into  others. 
He  gave  to  the  Avorld,  in  his  Loci  Communes,  the 
first  Protestant  system  of  doctrine — an  exhibition  of 
the  truth  so  able  and  clear,  that  Luther  declared  it 
worthy  of  canonicity  and  immortality.  He  wrote 
The  Augsburg  Confession  and  The  Apology,  which, 
for  plain,  powerful,  dispassionate  presentation  of  the 
truth,  have  no  equal  in  the  world.  He  prepared  com- 
mentaries and  explanations  of  nearly  all  the  books  of 
the  Bible,  and  delivered  lectures  upon  the  teachings 
of  the  Scriptures  at  a  time  when  the  evangelical  seed 
which  he  sowed  could  not  but  bear  a  rich  and  bounti- 
ful harvest. 

Aside  from  his  excessive  moderation  and  too  great 
love  of  peace,  the  character  of  Melanchthon  is  one  of 
the  most  lovely  and  amiable  which  history  atfords. 
Possessed  of  vast  learning  which  he  dedicated  t(t  the 
service  of  God ;  conscientious  to  an  extraordinary  de- 
gree ;  unallured  from  the  path  of  duty  by  the  prospect 
of  wealth  or  emolument;  humble  in  si)ite  of  his  great 
attainments;  kind-hearted,  obliging  and  Ixiicvolciit  ; 
sincere  and  willing  to  impute  the  same  sincerity  to 
others;   pious  in  heart  and  pure  in  life — there  are  few 


272  LIFE    OF    MELANCHTHON. 

natures  which  appeal  more  strongly  to  those  who 
understand  him,  than  the  gentle,  mild,  and  peace-lov- 
ing Melanchthon.  May  he  ever  be  held  in  grateful 
remembrance. 


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